The Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese and Modern Mandarin

I investigate the Intervention Effect in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) and modern Mandarin. In LAC, negation displays the Intervention Effect on wh-phrases. There are two types of wh-items that are subject to the Intervention Effect triggered by negation, namely, wh-arguments and wh-adverbials that are supposed to move to a lower focus position below the negation; and those that have the option to stay in situ. Due to the intervening negative barrier, these c-commanded wh-phrases have to rise to a higher focus position above the negation so as to circumvent the Intervention Effect. I propose that the Intervention Effect in LAC is a consequence of Q-binding as a feature movement of [wh], interacting with movement into the hierarchy of clause-internal positions driven by [Topic] or [Focus] features. By contrast, focus or quantificational phrases do not display the Intervention Effect in LAC. In modern Mandarin, focus phrases, but not negation or quantified structures, impose the Intervention Effect on wh-items; negation, but not focus phrases or quantified structures, imposes the Intervention Effect on temporal wh-adverbials. I also propound three obligatory requirements for the Intervention Effect to take place in LAC, namely, interrogativity of wh-items, the possibility of feature wh-movement, and a hierarchy of clausal positions. Although the Intervention Effect in LAC and modern Mandarin are triggered by different barriers, it always needs to meet the three requirements. Data from both LAC and Mandarin justify previous analyses regarding feature movement.

Wh-P and the Intervention Effect of negation

Following the Government and Binding theory mainly developed by Chomsky (1981, 1982, 1986), I explore wh-P and the Intervention Effect of negation in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). I propose that the inverted order of wh-P in LAC is generated via PP inversion followed by the separate preposing of wh and P. The wh-complement raises to [Spec, PP] and further moves to the specifier position of a functional projection. If the wh-PP is base-generated preverbally, the preposition moves to the head position of the functional projection directly; if the wh-PP is base-generated postverbally, the preposition must first incorporate to a V0 and then move to the head position of the functional projection through excorporation. In terms of the Intervention Effect, wh-arguments and adverbials that usually move to the Low focus position below negation are subject to a blocking effect caused by negation, so these wh-phrases have to land in the High focus position above negation which is expected to accommodate ‘high’ adverbials exclusively. I argue that the Intervention Effect in LAC is a consequence of Q-binding as feature movement of [wh], interacting with fronting into the hierarchy of clause-internal positions driven by [Focus] feature.

Clitic pronouns in Archaic Chinese

This article provides evidence for the so far neglected existence of two clitic pronouns, yǐ 以 and yǔ 與, in Archaic Chinese (10th c. – 3th c. bc) in immediately verb-adjacent position: ‘yǐ/yǔ-V’. While yǔ only encodes the comitative/associative, yǐ encodes all kinds of (argument and adjunct) roles, depending on the semantics of the verb involved. We argue that the clitic pronouns yǐ and yǔ can neither be analysed as stranded prepositions left behind after extraction of their complement (as, e.g., in English) nor as orphan prepositions, i.e., PPs with an in situ null pronoun as complement (as, e.g., in French). This ties in with the general ban against prepositions lacking an overt complement, observed throughout the history of Chinese.

Transformational peculiarities within Chinese lyrical genres

The article reveals the historical transformations of Chinese poetry, namely the changes in lyrical genres from the Archaic period of “Fu” (“赋”) invariants and early authors’ poetry to the genre varieties of contemporary (modern) poetry “新诗” of the 20th–21st centuries. In the review we briefly name the key oriental researchers who made a great contribution to the studies of oriental literature based on authentic texts. The article tells how the key archaic genres, such as “Fu” (“赋”), “Shi” (“诗”), “Qi” (“词”) and “Qu” (“曲”) were the grass roots of the differentiation of lyrical genres. In this context we name the pristine origins of the early lyrical genres, returning the reader back to 《诗经》. We give the names of the founding fathers and representatives of each genre, providing examples of the most brilliant poetry, written within the early and classical literary periods. In the article we try to systematize the knowledge available on the topic, comparing the Eastern and the Western tradition of lyrical writing. We aim to show how archaic Chinese poetry came out of prose, transformed in time over more than 2000 years, and lost its primeval classical and traditional Chinese style, but preserved the unique code of the nation and almost returned to prose in the 20th–21st centuries.

Possibility and necessity and the scope of negation in Early Middle Chinese

This paper provides a classification of modal verbs of possibility and necessity in Late Archaic and Early Middle Chinese based on an analysis of their scopal features with respect to negation. It shows that circumstantial readings and deontic readings are interpreted in two different syntactic positions which can be determined by the scope of negation following the cartographic approach proposed in Tsai (2008, 2015) and the proposal of Cormack and Smith (2002) of a Polarity Head, which constitutes a syntactic divide of the domain of necessity modals from the domain of circumstantial modals. Our analysis of the scope of negation demonstrates that the deontic interpretation of possibility modals requires their upward movement from the lexical to the functional domain as part of the grammaticalization process from pre-modal lexical verbs to modal auxiliaries of different functions in Modern Mandarin. In Early Middle Chinese, negated modal verbs of possibility start to replace the synthetic modal negators of Archaic Chinese as part of the general process of analyticization of Chinese. We also show that the only true necessity modals in Late Archaic Chinese belong to the category of circumstantial modals due to their scopal features when they are negated.