A Rational Model of Incremental Argument Interpretation: The Comprehension of Swedish Transitive Clauses

A central component of sentence understanding is verb-argument interpretation, determining how the referents in the sentence are related to the events or states expressed by the verb. Previous work has found that comprehenders change their argument interpretations incrementally as the sentence unfolds, based on morphosyntactic (e.g., case, agreement), lexico-semantic (e.g., animacy, verb-argument fit), and discourse cues (e.g., givenness). However, it is still unknown whether these cues have a privileged role in language processing, or whether their effects on argument interpretation originate in implicit expectations based on the joint distribution of these cues with argument assignments experienced in previous language input. We compare the former, linguistic account against the latter, expectation-based account, using data from production and comprehension of transitive clauses in Swedish. Based on a large corpus of Swedish, we develop a rational (Bayesian) model of incremental argument interpretation. This model predicts the processing difficulty experienced at different points in the sentence as a function of the Bayesian surprise associated with changes in expectations over possible argument interpretations. We then test the model against reading times from a self-paced reading experiment on Swedish. We find Bayesian surprise to be a significant predictor of reading times, complementing effects of word surprisal. Bayesian surprise also captures the qualitative effects of morpho-syntactic and lexico-semantic cues. Additional model comparisons find that it—with a single degree of freedom—captures much, if not all, of the effects associated with these cues. This suggests that the effects of form- and meaning-based cues to argument interpretation are mediated through expectation-based processing.

Long-distance syntactic dependencies drive the complexity of legal language

Although contracts and other legal documents have long been known to cause processing difficulty in laypeople, the source and nature of this difficulty has remained unclear. To better understand this mismatch, we conducted a corpus analysis (~10 million words) to investigate to what extent difficult-to-process features that are reportedly common in contracts--such as center embedding, low-frequency jargon, passive voice and non-standard capitalization--are in fact present in contracts relative to normal texts. We found that all of these features were strikingly more prevalent in contracts relative to standard-English texts. We also conducted an experimental study ($n=108$ subjects) to determine to what extent such features cause processing difficulties for laypeople of different reading levels. We found that contractual excerpts containing these features were recalled and comprehended at a lower rate than excerpts without these features, even for experienced readers, and that center-embedded clauses led to greater decreases in recall than other features. These findings confirm long-standing anecdotal accounts of the presence of difficult-to-process features in contracts, and show that these features inhibit comprehension and recall of legal content for readers of all levels. Our findings also suggest such difficulties may largely result from working memory costs imposed by complex syntactic features--such as center-embedded clauses--as opposed to a mere lack of understanding of specialized legal concepts, and that removing these features would be both tractable and beneficial for society at large.

Relative clause processing in L1 and L2 English

This study investigates the locus of processing difficulty in English object-extracted relative clauses during both native and non-native sentence comprehension. Two L-maze experiments were conducted – one with English native speakers (n = 48) and another with highly proficient Chinese learners of English (n = 20) – to compare the processing of object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) with that of subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs). Both participants groups revealed clear processing costs for ORC sentences. In both cases, this processing difficulty was localized at the beginning of the ORC, and specifically at the article that introduced the ORC subject (The soldier who the sailor roughly pushed….). These findings are taken to indicate that structural expectations play a central role in the first- and second-language processing of English relative clauses and of complex sentences more generally.

Contrary to Expectations: Does Context Influence the Processing Cost Associated with Negation?

Negative sentences are hard to process when they are presented out of context. When embedded in a context of plausible denial their processing difficulty decreases or is completely eliminated. We investigated in six behavioral experiments whether the processing of negation is eased in a denial context triggered by discourse markers (e.g. Contrary to expectations, John has/hasn’t eaten the soup). In order to investigate the necessary conditions for a context of plausible denial to reduce the processing cost of negation, we contrasted the processing of affirmative and negative sentences in minimal and extended denial and non-denial contexts (represented by either no context or a different type of context). We expected significantly longer response times (RTs) for negative sentences in comparison with affirmation in non-denial contexts and similar RTs for affirmative and negative sentences in denial contexts. The results from a sensibility judgement task (Experiment 1 and 2) and from a self-paced reading paradigm (Experiment 3 and 4) showed two robust main effects of context and polarity but no significant interaction between the two factors, suggesting that the processing of negative sentences was not facilitated in a context of minimal denial triggered solely by discourse markers. However, when the discourse markers were replaced with the explicit mention of the expectation to be denied and longer narratives used, the processing difficulty was eliminated specifically in the denial contexts (Experiment 5). Furthermore, when the discourse markers were used in longer narratives, a facilitation effect was also found (Experiment 6). All in all, the present findings suggest that, although negative sentences are felicitous in a context of plausible denial, the interplay of pragmatic factors like relevance or informativity is decisive in easing their processing difficulty.

Paradigmatic consequences of the suffixing preference

As one of the most robust typological findings, the suffixing preference captures the empirical observation that grammatical categories are more likely to be coded by suffixes than by prefixes. The goal of this contribution is to explore the effects that this asymmetry may have on the inflectional paradigms of the languages of the world. Three empirical issues are addressed: do languages with either possessive prefixes or suffixes and languages with both possessive prefixes and suffixes differ in their suffix-to-prefix ratio? Do prefixes and suffixes differ in the number of cases that they code? Do prefixes and suffixes differ in their probability of explicit singular in addition to plural marking? The answer to all three questions is in the affirmative. These effects are understood in terms of a response to an inherent disadvantage of prefixes. Morphological systems reduce the processing difficulty incurred by prefixes by assigning them fewer tasks (i.e. number of cases), by limiting their occurrence in highly competitive contexts (i.e. inconsistent possessive-affix coding) and by creating prefix paradigms, which are conceived of as protective structures in which the individual members strengthen one another. The general claim these three effects lead up to is that morphological systems develop “repair strategies” which reduce the processing cost involved in using inherently disadvantaged units. These repair strategies shape morphological structure.

Comprehension and Eye Movements in the Processing of Subject- and Object-Relative Clauses: Evidence from Dyslexia and Individual Differences

In this study, we examined eye movements and comprehension in sentences containing a relative clause. To date, few studies have focused on syntactic processing in dyslexia and so one goal of the study is to contribute to this gap in the experimental literature. A second goal is to contribute to theoretical psycholinguistic debate concerning the cause and the location of the processing difficulty associated with object-relative clauses. We compared dyslexic readers (n = 50) to a group of non-dyslexic controls (n = 50). We also assessed two key individual differences variables (working memory and verbal intelligence), which have been theorised to impact reading times and comprehension of subject- and object-relative clauses. The results showed that dyslexics and controls had similar comprehension accuracy. However, reading times showed participants with dyslexia spent significantly longer reading the sentences compared to controls (i.e., a main effect of dyslexia). In general, sentence type did not interact with dyslexia status. With respect to individual differences and the theoretical debate, we found that processing difficulty between the subject and object relatives was no longer significant when individual differences in working memory were controlled. Thus, our findings support theories, which assume that working memory demands are responsible for the processing difficulty incurred by (1) individuals with dyslexia and (2) object-relative clauses as compared to subject relative clauses.

Word processing difficulty and executive control interactively shape comprehension monitoring in a second language: an eye-tracking study

Successful reading comprehension – especially in a second language (L2) – relies on the ability to monitor one’s comprehension, that is, to notice comprehension breaks and make repairs. Comprehension monitoring may be limited given effortful word processing, but may also be supported through active control. The current study addresses to what extent increased word processing difficulty reduces adolescents’ ability to monitor their comprehension when reading in their L2, and whether readers can compensate limitations given sufficient executive control. To this end, we conducted an eye-tracking experiment where 34 adolescent L2 learners read short expository texts that contained two within-subject manipulations. First, comprehension monitoring was tested through textual inconsistencies, such as when the topic changed from speaking Spanish to speaking Russian vis-à-vis consistent controls. Second, word processing difficulty was altered by inserting either shorter and higher-frequency words such as want, or longer and lower-frequency words such as prefer. We additionally measured each participants’ executive control. We found evidence of successful moment-to-moment monitoring in the L2, as visible in adolescents’ increased rereading of inconsistent as opposed to consistent information. We also found that adolescents adapted their monitoring differently to word processing difficulty, depending on their executive control: while adolescents with weaker control abilities reduced their monitoring given higher word processing difficulty, adolescents with stronger control abilities monitored their comprehension more (instead of less) on difficult texts. These findings provide insights into how comprehension monitoring in the L2 arises in the interplay of limitations due to lower-level processing load and compensation thanks to active control.

Processing of Complement Coercion With Aspectual Verbs in Mandarin Chinese: Evidence From a Self-Paced Reading Study

This study examines whether Chinese complement coercion sentences with aspectual verbs will elicit processing difficulty during real-time comprehension. Complement coercion is a linguistic phenomenon in which certain verbs (e.g., start, enjoy), requiring an event-denoting complement, are combined with an entity-denoting complement (e.g., book), as in The author started a book. Previous studies have reported that the entity-denoting complement elicited processing difficulty following verbs that require event argument compared with verbs that do not (e.g., The author wrote a book). While the processing of complement coercion has been extensively studied in Indo-European languages such as English and German, it is relatively under-researched in Sino-Tibetan languages such as Mandarin Chinese. Given the fact that there are many linguistic elements behaving distinctly in the different language families, for instance, verbs with respect to their semantic properties and syntactic representations of the complement, it is meaningful to investigate whether or not the existing linguistic differences have any effect on the processing of complement coercion in Mandarin. With this research goal, we recorded self-paced reading time of 61 native Mandarin speakers to investigate the processing of the entity-denoting complement in sentences with three different verb types (aspectual verbs which require an event-denoting complement, preferred verbs which denote a preferred interpretation of the aspectual expressions, and non-preferred verbs which denote a non-preferred but plausible interpretation of the aspectual expressions), as exemplified in 顾客开始/填写/查看这份问卷 gù-kè kāi-shǐ/tián-xiě/chá-kàn zhè-fèn wèn-juàn “The customer started/filled in/checked the questionnaire.” It was found that the entity noun complement (e.g., 这份问卷 zhè-fèn wèn-juàn “the questionnaire”) elicited significantly longer reading times in coercion sentences than non-coercion counterparts. The results are compatible with the previous findings in English that complement coercion sentences impose processing cost during real-time comprehension. The study contributes empirical evidence to coercion studies cross-linguistically.

Neurobehavioral Correlates of Surprisal in Language Comprehension: A Neurocomputational Model

Expectation-based theories of language comprehension, in particular Surprisal Theory, go a long way in accounting for the behavioral correlates of word-by-word processing difficulty, such as reading times. An open question, however, is in which component(s) of the Event-Related brain Potential (ERP) signal Surprisal is reflected, and how these electrophysiological correlates relate to behavioral processing indices. Here, we address this question by instantiating an explicit neurocomputational model of incremental, word-by-word language comprehension that produces estimates of the N400 and the P600—the two most salient ERP components for language processing—as well as estimates of “comprehension-centric” Surprisal for each word in a sentence. We derive model predictions for a recent experimental design that directly investigates “world-knowledge”-induced Surprisal. By relating these predictions to both empirical electrophysiological and behavioral results, we establish a close link between Surprisal, as indexed by reading times, and the P600 component of the ERP signal. The resultant model thus offers an integrated neurobehavioral account of processing difficulty in language comprehension.

roles of efficiency and complexity in the processing of verb particle constructions

Recent theories have proposed that processing difficulty affects both individuals’ choice of grammatical structures and the distribution of these structures across languages of the world (Hawkins, 2004). Researchers have proposed that performance constraints, such as efficiency, integration, and storage costs, drive languages to choose word orders that minimize processing demands for individual speakers (Hawkins, 1994; Gibson, 2000). This study investigates how three performance factors, adjacency, dependency, and complexity, affect reading times for sentences with verb-particle constructions. Results from a self-paced reading task indicate that reading times increase with each performance factor, such that shifted sentences, more dependent verb-particle constructions, and more complex noun phrases are more difficult. More importantly, I explore the relative weightings and interactions of the performance factors. The results support the notion that processing ease affects grammaticalization, such that those structures which are more easily processed by individuals (subject relatives and adjacent dependent constituents) are also more common crosslinguistically (Keenan & Hawkins, 1987).