Evaluating population affinity estimates in forensic anthropology: Insights from the forensic anthropology database for assessing methods accuracy (FADAMA)

Author(s):  
Allysha P. Winburn ◽  
Bridget Algee‐Hewitt
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean Tallman ◽  
Nicolette Parr ◽  
Allysha Winburn

Forensic anthropologists traditionally estimate “race” or “ancestry” as part of the biological profile. While practitioners may have changed the terms used to describe regionally patterned human skeletal variation, the degree to which they have altered their typological approaches remains unclear. This study analyzed 119 peer-reviewed forensic anthropology articles published in four relevant journals (1966–2020) by matching combination(s) of the key words “race,” “ancestry,” “ethnicity,” and/or “population affinity.” Results indicated that while “ancestry” has supplanted “race,” this change has not brought concurrent modifications in approach, nor deeper scrutiny of underlying concepts. “Race” and “ancestry” were infrequently defined in 13% and 12% of sampled articles, respectively, and a plethora of social, geographic, and pseudoscientific terms persisted. Forensic anthropologists increasingly engaged with questions addressing the forces patterning human biological variation: 65% of studies postdating 1999 discussed population histories/structures and microevolution; 38% between 1966–1999. Fewer studies contextualized or critiqued approaches to analyzing population variation (32% of studies postdating 1999; 4% from 1966–1999), and virtually no studies considered the possibility that skeletal variation reflected embodied social inequity (5% of studies postdating 1999; 0% from 1966–1999). This lack of interrogation and clarity contributes to the faulty notion that all forensic anthropologists share similar definitions and leads to an oversimplification of complex biocultural processes. While the lack ofdefinitions and biocultural engagement may be partly due to editorial and peer-review pressures, it is likely that many forensic anthropologists have not interrogated their own perspectives. This article holds that it is essential for us to do so.


1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 71-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark F. Skinner ◽  
Akbar Syed ◽  
John Farrell ◽  
John H. Borden

2005 ◽  
Vol 147 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 107-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet Yaşar İşcan

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamar Afra ◽  
Michelle Hamilton ◽  
Bridget Algee-Hewitt

Genotype-phenotype studies increasingly link single nucleotide polymorphism (SNPs) to the dimensions of the face for presumed homogeneous populations. To appreciate the significance of these findings, it is essential to investigate how these results differ between the genetic and phenotypic profiles of individuals. In prior work, we investigated the connection between SNPs previously identified as informative of soft tissue expression and measurements of the craniofacial skeleton. Using matched genetic and skeletal information on 17 individuals who self-identified as White with presumed common continental ancestry (European), we obtained significant Spearman correlations for 11 SNPs. In the present study, we looked at self-identified ancestry to understand the intersectional background of the individual’s phenotype and genotype. We integrated our samples within a diverse dataset of 2,242 modern Americans and applied an unsupervised model-based clustering routine to 13 craniometrics. We generated a mean estimate of 69.65% (±SD = 18%) European ancestry for the White sample under an unsupervised cluster model. We estimated higher quantities of European ancestry, 88.5%–93%, for our subset of 17 individuals. These elevated estimates were of interest with respect to the distribution of population-informative SNPs; we found, for example, that one of our sampled self-identified White individuals displayed SNPs commonly associated with Latin American populations. These results underscore the complex interrelationship between environment and genetics, and the need for continued research into connections between population affinity, social identity, and morphogenetic expression.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marin Pilloud ◽  
Cassie Skipper ◽  
SaMoura Horsley ◽  
Alba Craig ◽  
Krista Latham ◽  
...  

To understand the implications of the forensic anthropological practice of “ancestry” estimation, we explore terminology that has been employed in forensic anthropological research. The goal is to evaluate how such terms can often circulate within social contexts as a result, which may center forensic anthropologists as constituting “race” itself through analysis and categorization. This research evaluates terminology used in anthropological articles of the Journal of Forensic Sciences between 1972 and 2020 (n = 314). Terminology was placed into two categories: classifiers and descriptors. Classifiers were standardized into one of five options: “race,” “ancestry,” “population,” “ethnic,” or “other.” Descriptors included terms used to describe individuals within these classificatory systems. We also compared these terms to those in the NamUs database and the U.S. census. Our results found that the terms “ancestry” and “race” are often conflated and “ancestry” largely supplanted “race” in the 1990s without a similar change in research approach. The NamUs and census terminology are not the same as that used in forensic anthropological research; illustrating a disconnect in the terms used to identify the missing, unidentified, and in social contexts with those used in anthropological research. We provide histories of all of these terms and conclude with suggestions for how to use terminology in the future. It is important for forensic anthropologists to be cognizant of the terms they use in medicolegal contexts, publications, and in public and/or professional spaces. The continued use of misrepresentative and improper language further marginalizes groups and perpetuates oppression rooted in systemic racism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. e93-e97
Author(s):  
Jennifer Byrnes

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