A History of Religious Broadcasting in Korea from a Religious Politics Standpoint: Focusing on the Period of a Protestant Broadcasting Monopoly

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-31
Author(s):  
Sungmin Lee
2021 ◽  
pp. 254-274
Author(s):  
Ayman K. Agbaria ◽  
Mohanad Mustafa ◽  
Sami Mahajnah

This chapter focuses on the search for meaning and belonging of the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel by discussing how belonging is framed in Arab politics in Israel. More specifically, the chapter maps and analyzes three narratives in the Arab politics of belonging: the romantic, the practical, and the visionary. The first advocates belonging to what the authors term a “lost paradise” of Palestine and Islam. This nostalgic type of belonging yearns for idealized places, times, and characters in the history of Palestine and Islam. The second narrative, the practical, defines belonging first and foremost as a developmental act, practiced at the community level through voluntary and charity programs. The third, the visionary, promotes belonging as an ideological position to be articulated and educated for at the national level. These three concepts are circulated and mobilized by both secular Arab political and Muslim religious actors but in different versions and to different extents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Hugh McLeod ◽  
Todd H. Weir

This chapter gives an overview of the history of religious competition and secular-religious politics in the twentieth century. It introduces two key terms of this volume, secularism and apologetics. It proposes apologetics as a novel way to understand not only how religious but also secular actors defend their ideological positions. Following a history of the term apologetics in church use, this chapter proposes a model of apologetics neutralized of its narrowly Christian context that can be used for comparison across time and space. This introductory chapter then offers some general findings about the nature of religious competition in the twentieth century, before discussing in a comparative fashion the contributions to this volume.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Slama ◽  
Bart Barendregt

AbstractThis article introduces the special issue ‘Online Publics in Muslim Southeast Asia: In Between Religious Politics and Popular Pious Practices’ by discussing prominent approaches in the study of media and the public sphere in light of the specific history of digital media’s rise in Muslim Southeast Asia. It focuses on earlier and current expressions of mobile and Islamic modernity as well as on changing moralities and forms of Islamic authority. Referencing the other contributions to this special issue, it particularly emphasizes the (discursive and visual) contestations and social dramas that take place in the region’s media spaces providing for a variety of Islamic forms, practices, and socialities that can best be grasped, the authors argue, by considering politics, the pious, and the popular not as separate, but as mutually constitutive domains.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN MORGAN

AbstractSprat situated his analysis of the Royal Society within an emerging Anglican Royalist narrative of the longue durée of post-Reformation England. A closer examination of Sprat's own religious views reveals that his principal interest in the History of the Royal Society, as in the closely related reply to Samuel de Sorbière, the Observations, was to appropriate the advantages and benefits of the Royal Society as support for a re-established, anti-Calvinist Church of England. Sprat connected the two through a reformulation of the powerful conventions of ‘Reformation’ and ‘Israel’, both of which still resonated strongly in the religious politics of the 1660s. Applying his voluntarist theology, Sprat changed especially the representation of the chosen nation from a tale of divine castigation and punishment to a rational and probabilistic covenant based on material success as the indicator of God's pleasure. Sprat proposed that the knowledge and application of nature, through the experimental labours of the Royal Society, could build an increasingly wealthy nation and so a permanent home for the reconfigured Israel. Attaching this to a renewed monarchical and Anglican state also meant security for the traditional forms of rule.


Exchange ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Joram Tarusarira

Abstract In the post-colonial history of presidential aspirants in Zimbabwe, no politician has been as overtly religious as Nelson Chamisa, the current leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Chamisa identifies himself as a politician and a pastor whose politics are guided by his Christian faith. However, he took religious rhetoric to mobilise support to an unprecedented level when he explicitly blurred the boundaries between functions by calling for and leading a week of fasting and prayer from 29th July to 4th August 2019. Through a digital ethnography of Chamisa’s Twitter posts and the direct responses to them posted by members of the public during the fasting and prayer week, this article investigates how this call was received by those who responded on Twitter and what this tells us about Zimbabweans’ perceptions of religious politics, that is, the deployment of dominant religions like Christianity in politics.


Author(s):  
Horst Rabe

ABSTRACT The contribution is connected to earlier research by the author (Reichsbund und Interim. Die Verfassungs- und Religionspolitik Karls V. und der Reichstag von Augsburg 1547/48, Köln, Wien 1971) and takes it farther by means of the critical incorporation of editions and discussions that have appeared more recently. The focus of the study is upon the history of the rise of the Interim within the framework of the religious politics of Charles V during 1547-48, which because of the extraordinarily difficult state of the sources has only been partially clarified. More far-reaching historical aspects of theology, by contrast, are only summarily treated. The most important results of the essay are as follows: 1. The Interim that Charles V carried through the Diet of Augsburg was an attempt at a temporary settlement between the religious parties in Germany expiring definitely after the Council of Trent would have solved all controversial items. The unity of the church within the Empire was thereby to be preserved or achieved again, and at the same time the outward peace in Germany assured. Charles V wished to see guaranteed the essentials of the Roman Church - whatever might pertain to them. Nevertheless, the Interim made substantial concessions to the Protestants, in teaching just as in ceremonies and ecclesiastical order (the marriage of priests, lay reception of the chalice). Thus, the Interim stood in close continuity with the religious politics of Charles V after 1530. In contrast, the specifically new aspects of the imperial politics of religion consisted above all of the close unity between this attempted settlement between the religious parties and the effort at intra-ecclesiastical reform. This tie informed the first draft of the Interim late in 1547 and showed itself finally in the proximity of the Interim and the Formula reformationis of June 1548. To this may be added the high personal engagement that the Emperor was able to bring to bear as a result of his enormously increased political authority after the Schmalkaldic War. Yet Charles V tried very effectively to restrict as much as possible outward awareness, especially in the publicity surrounding the Imperial Diet, of the dominant influence that he exerted on the shaping of the Interim. That seems initially surprising but had its good reasons: above all, the Emperor strove to counter the reproach that he attempted to be an authoritarian universal monarch, at the expense of the imperial estates - and also at the expense of Pope and council. 2. The Interim politics of Charles V. was severely contested from the beginning, and not only among the religious parties at the Imperial Diet, but also at court among the closest advisors of the Emperor. Above all, Pedro de Soto, the confessor of Charles V, pleaded for an unyielding Counter-Reformation course for the imperial politics of religion, while Nicolas Perrenot de Granvelle, the foremost advisor of the Emperor, represented an ecclesiastically mediating and at the same time more pragmatic position. The controversy was fundamental; it remained virulent throughout the imperial Diet, and left personal bitterness in its wake. Charles V finally made an end to the strife in August 1548, when he dismissed his confessor. The decisions in religious politics made by the Emperor continued to arise out of these conflicts. This could well explain the fundamental decision that the Emperor took in rejecting the uncompromising anti-Reformation draft of his first Interim commission in December 1547 and the appointment of a new commission under the leadership of the Bishop of Naumburg, Julius Pflug, who was inclined toward a conciliatory theological position. The Interim policy of Charles V was far more filled with tension than it appears in most historical presentations. 3. Conditioned by the strongly political - not only ecclesiastical - tensions between Charles V and Pope Paul III, in 1547-48 the Emperor completely excluded the Pope and his representative at the imperial court from all negotiations over the Imterim, and in general over religion, at the imperial Diet of Augsburg. Even the originally anticipated confirmation of the Interim by the Pope seemed from early in 1548 to be dispensable. Nonetheless Charles V made a vigorous effort to bind the Pope to his Interim policies. Above all the demand of the Emperor that the Pope send legates or nuncios to Germany who could be helpful in the inner reform of the church - who were empowered to grant dispensations for the marriage of priests, for giving the chalice to the laity, and for moderating the privations of Lent - was virtually a papal legitimation of the concessions to the Protestants made by the Interim, and simultaneously a recognition of the membership of the Protestants, under the terms of the Interim, to the Roman Church. As a matter of fact, Paul III initially acquiesced to the imperial demand but postponed complying until long after the adjournment of the Diet at the end of June 1548; in September of the same year, he finally gave the faculties of dispensation such restrictive wording that this must have appeared completely unacceptable to the Protestants. Thus, from an early date an important part of Charles V’s Interim politics became, and remained, unattainable.


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