scholarly journals The Political Economy of Pricing and Capacity Decisions for Congestible Local Public Goods in a Federal State

Author(s):  
Bruno De Borger ◽  
Stef Proost
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúl A Ponce-Rodríguez ◽  
Charles R Hankla ◽  
Jorge Martinez-Vazquez ◽  
Eunice Heredia-Ortiz

2007 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhijit Banerjee ◽  
Rohini Somanathan

2006 ◽  
Vol 186 ◽  
pp. 377-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynette Ong

This article sheds light on the ways in which township governments mobilized resources from local financial institutions, and how failure to repay many of these loans gave rise to sizeable local government debt. Mobilization of resources was done through loans to collective enterprises whose de facto owners were township authorities. Though the enterprises were nominal borrowers, loan transactions would not have occurred without guarantees by township governments. Another way of financial resource mobilization was by establishing local informal financial organizations that were subject to less strict regulations, and over which township authorities could exercise control. Further, because the enterprises' profits and taxes ultimately went to township authorities, and the enterprises also contributed towards provision of public goods that were the authorities' obligation, enterprise financing became a roundabout way in which township authorities sought financial assistance for their fiscal needs.


Author(s):  
Adeel Malik ◽  
Rinchan Ali Mirza

Abstract This paper offers a novel illustration of the political economy of religion by examining the impact of religious elites on development. We compile a unique database on holy Muslim shrines across Pakistani Punjab and construct a historical panel of literacy spanning over a century (1901-2011). Using the 1977 military take-over as a universal shock that gave control over public goods to politicians, our difference-in-differences analysis shows that areas with a greater concentration of shrines experienced a substantially retarded growth in literacy after the coup. Our results suggest that the increase in average literacy rate would have been higher by 13% in the post-coup period in the absence of shrine influence. We directly address the selection concern that shrines might be situated in areas predisposed to lower literacy expansion. Finally, we argue that the coup devolved control over public goods to local politicians, and shrine elites, being more averse to education since it undermines their power, suppressed its expansion in shrine-dense areas.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 471-486
Author(s):  
Manzoor Ahmed

A key argument made by several economists with respect to decentralisation reform is that it can reduce poverty. This assertion is based on the view that it leads to improvements in public sector services delivery. The efficient provision of public goods by the local governments may occur because of their ability to take into account local determinants while providing services, such as health and education [Oates (1972)]. It may also be due to competition, as local governments encourage the provision of efficient public services to, and lower tax burdens on the lower strata of society [Brennan and Buchanan (1980)].


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