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2021 ◽  
Vol 90 ◽  
pp. 102-110 ◽  
Greg Lusk

2021 ◽  
Erik Lunsgaarde ◽  
Kevin Adams ◽  
Kendra Dupuy ◽  
Adis Dzebo ◽  
Mikkel Funder ◽  

As COP26 approaches, governments are facing calls to increase the ambition of their climate commitments under the Paris Agreement. The mobilization of climate finance will be key to meeting these goals, prompting the need for renewed attention on how to enhance the coordination of existing funds and thus increase their effectiveness, efficiency and equity. The climate finance landscape is fragmented due to the variety of actors involved at different levels. Coordination difficulties emerge in multiple arenas and reflect the diversity of funding sources, implementation channels, and sectors relevant for climate action (Lundsgaarde, Dupuy and Persson, 2018). The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development has identified over 90 climate-specific funds. Most of them are multilateral. While bilateral climate finance remains significant, growth in multilateral funding has been the main driver of recent funding increases and remains a focus of international negotiations. Practitioners often highlight organizational resource constraints – such as staffing levels, the continuity of personnel, or the availability of adequate information management systems – as factors limiting coordination. In this brief, we argue that improving climate finance coordination requires considering coordination challenges in a political context where both fund secretariats and external stakeholders play an important role in shaping collaboration prospects. To illustrate this point, we highlight the political nature of global-level coordination challenges between the multilateral Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and Green Climate Fund (GCF), as well as national-level challenges in Kenya and Zambia. Key challenges influencing coordination relate to the governance of climate funds, domestic bureaucratic politics in recipient countries, and the existence of multiple coordination frameworks at the country level.

Benik Yeribekyan

The article presents some theoretical justifications and some features of the origin of the comparison mechanism. Some areas of the practical application of the comparison mechanism were also presented, and the main manipulative intentions were analyzed. The theoretical part considers and analyzes the problems and features of the development of a comparison mechanism. In particular, the Adler theory is analyzed. The author substantiates the fact that the basis of the comparison mechanism originates in early childhood. In this process, a particular role and significance is the fact of comparison with siblings. The theory of object relations is also considered a theoretical basis, especially regarding the psychological structure of the narcissistic personality. In this context, the psychoanalytic approach is regarded as a profound basis for forming a psychological comparison mechanism and later becomes a stable behavioural pattern. The correlation between the emergence of the psychological comparison mechanism and the influence of the individual's environment is also theoretically justified. The formed behavioural pattern becomes the basis for subsequent manipulations in the field of social psychology. In particular, the concept of a reference group is when an individual compares himself with members of his group and groups of opponents. In this case, using this mechanism, you can build the foundations of national identity and, as an additional tactic using the mechanism of depreciation. In marketing, a manipulative comparison mechanism is used to influence the self-image. In this case, a particular consumer is identified with this image by comparing himself to the advertising image. In the political and marketing spheres, manipulative use of the comparison mechanism can be found very often. The phenomenon of manipulation in this context concerns the concept of intention. The main manipulative intention is the desire to devalue. In politics, devaluation is often used, and in marketing, dominance is used. In the context of the latter, appropriate language is used. The manipulative use of the comparison mechanism is considered in the example of the discursive practices of representatives of individual political elites. In the political sphere, in using the comparison mechanism, the intention of devaluation, narcissistic comparison is mainly used. This process can particularly be seen when comparing the speech of the President of Georgia with the statement of the President of Ukraine. Using the example of President Zelensky's statement, one can see the use of a symbolic image, which provides even greater power of manipulative influence on one's audience. In marketing and advertising, the comparison mechanism is combined with the demonstration of the advantages of your own product compared to others.

2022 ◽  

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-127
A. R. Agababov ◽  
R. A. Lyovochkin

The article examines the main forms and socio-cultural features of the participation of Muslim youth in Scotland in non-institutional politics. As their research goal, the authors chose to identify the mechanisms through which political processes specific to the Scottish context (different from the general British or, for example, the English context) generate various forms of political participation of young adherents of Islam. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a significant layer of empirical data (mainly Scottish), comprehended through an interpretive paradigm, which allowed the authors to analyze the non-institutionalized political experience of young Muslims, finding patterns in how Muslim youth perceive and construct the social world around them. The result of the study was an understanding that the strengthening of the “Islamic factor” in the social and political life of Scotland is explained not only by the growth of the Muslim population, but also by the obvious support that the Scottish authorities provide to adherents of Islam. According to the authors, the issue of national and state independence, the specificity of Scottish nationalism, the attractiveness of the political platform of the Scottish National Party for ethno-confessional minorities became the most important primary factors that predetermined the active entry of Scottish Muslim youth into politics. The main conclusion in this article was the idea that the specific socio-political and sociocultural contexts of Scotland create appropriate forms of political participation of young Muslims. Despite the prevailing opinion that Scottish Muslim youth are interested mainly in international events, the authors show a clearly traceable institutional and non-institutional involvement of young Muslims in national and local political issues in Scotland. According to the authors, the non-institutional political participation of young Scottish followers of Islam is manifested in such forms as social movements, activism and charity, and volunteer work.

M. I. Dvoretsky ◽  
B. V. Fedotov ◽  
T. V. Sidorina

The legal foundation of a society is the basis of its existence and effective functioning. The legal consciousness occupies a special place in it. It acts as an integral part of people’s worldview, their life orientations, values and priorities. In Russia, the dynamics of the ongoing changes in the political and legal sphere is largely determined by the rethinking of the events of the recent past and the attempt by various forces of influence to comprehend the present adequately. Such close attention to the phenomenon of legal awareness is due to many changes taking place in the country and society. The consciousness of people in Russia is multipolar. Both internal and external factors influence on its formation, more often they are of a destructive nature. For example, the role of the hybrid war, which has been waged against Russia throughout its recent history and in which young people are actively involved, is great. Attempts to organize and conduct various actions with the participation of young people expose, among other things, the problems of our society, the state of legal awareness of young people involved in these events. This puts forward new tasks for working with young people, primarily students. The article reveals the concept of legal consciousness, considers its structure and types. The authors pay special attention to the сharacterization of the features of the modern legal consciousness in Russia. The article also characterizes legal socialization. Legal consciousness manifests itself in behavior. The authors rely on the results of the study on the legal behavior of young people. The presented factual material makes it possible to identify the cause-and-effect relationships between the legal consciousness and the factors affecting it. The article provides possibilities for the interested persons to use the presented theoretical and practical material in their work on the formation of the legal consciousness of modern Russian youth.

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Hang Cheong

PurposeThe study aims to trace the history of Chinese education in Macao in the first half of the 20th century, emphasizing macro- and meso-level political influences.Design/methodology/approachThe paper reviews published works including official documents, rare books, newspapers, etc. and provides a three-part analysis: first, discussion of the colonial Government's education policy during the early 20th century and the establishment of the Chinese Educators' Association of Macau (CEAM); second, contextualization of the major upset and change in educational policy during the Sino-Japanese War (World War II in Asia); and third, considering the reinstatement of laissez-faire education policies regarding Macao's Chinese community and the CEAM's shifting political loyalties in the post-war period.FindingsThe colonial Government created a vacuum into which both the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) muscled, seeking to manipulate education from across the border via control of the CEAM. Mainland China's shifting political landscapes thus significantly altered the political orientation of the CEAM, especially around 1949. Soon afterward, various Catholic and other schools withdrew from the CEAM, primarily separating Chinese schools in Macao into blue (Catholic et al.) and red (pro-CCP) camps.Originality/valueThe paper reviews Macao Chinese education history from 1914 to 1949 while providing better comprehension of an analogous situation in neighboring Hong Kong.

Significance The ruling Colorado Party won a resounding victory, taking control of 163 of the country’s 261 municipalities. The party retained control of the capital city, Asuncion, where it now has the mayoralty and an absolute majority on the local council. However, it failed to regain control in the cities of Ciudad del Este and Encarnacion. Impacts The Colorado Party could reach an absolute majority in both houses of Congress in 2023. The fractured opposition represents little threat to Colorado dominance despite citizen backlash against corruption. The expansion of the political influence of drug gangs in sub-national politics is likely to continue.

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Siu-kai Lau

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to identify the major political and social effects of the Hong Kong National Security Law on Hong Kong. It is argued that the enactment of this Law allows Hong Kong not only to end its protracted political turmoil since its return to China in 1997, but also will generate the favorable conditions for long-term stability and effective governance in the territory.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the author’s close observation of what had happened in Hong Kong in the year since the Hong Kong National Security Law came into effect on 1 July 2020.FindingsThe Hong Kong National Security Law has brought about significant changes in the political psychology of Hongkongers, the balance of power among different political forces, the ability of external forces to interfere in Hong Kong politics, the way Hong Kong is governed, the relationship between the government and the legislature, the activities in the educational and cultural sectors, and the behavior of the judiciary.Originality/valueThis paper would be of interest to scholars and people who are interested in the implementation of “One Country, Two Systems” in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) as well as Beijing’s new policy towards Hong Kong in the aftermath of Hong Kong’s unprecedented riots and violence.

Philologus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Christoph Pieper

Abstract This paper comments on the tension between constant imitatio and refused aemulatio gloriae in Tiberius’ attitude towards Augustus in Velleius Paterculus’ History. I argue that Tiberius is equalling and eventually even surpassing Augustus precisely because he refuses to compete with him, let alone surpass him. In order to do so, I focus on two hitherto neglected Augustan intertexts, which are referenced at very distinct moments of Velleius’ portrayal of Tiberius. The first is the moment when Tiberius appears on the political stage at the age of 19 (2.94.1); the second is the last mentioned event of his life before he succeeds Augustus, namely his third triumph in ad 12 (2.122.1).

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