The New Dominion: A Social and Political History of New Zealand, 1918-39

1969 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 852
Author(s):  
P. C. T. White ◽  
R. M. Burdon
Author(s):  
Peter Dauvergne

This chapter surveys the ecological and political history of the South Pacific island of Nauru after 1798 – a microcosm of the globalization of unsustainability. In the 1900s Nauru became a major source of high-grade phosphate fertilizer, especially for Australia and New Zealand. The history of phosphate mining in Nauru illustrates how deeply colonial and postcolonial forces can disrupt sustainability even in places far from the centers of power, and how over generations these disruptions can build into an ever-greater crisis. At the height of Nauru’s phosphate boom in the mid-1970s average income of the Nauruan people was the second highest in the world. But this wealth was an illusion, as Nauru was being strip-mined with little planning for a future without phosphate. Today, Nauru’s economy is in tatters, and with hardly any phosphate left it is now serving its former colonizer Australia as a detention camp for asylum seekers who had been hoping to reach Australia.


Author(s):  
Arini Loader

Fittingly published on the eve of Tuia 250, Indigenous Mobilities urges us to think harder and with much more depth about the precise nature of colonial contact with Indigenous peoples and settlement on Indigenous land in the antipodes. Given our geographic proximity, the 200 or so year history of Māori in Australia and our entwined if equally divergent political history, it is surprising that scholarship taking in both the Australian and New Zealand contexts does not appear more frequently. Indeed, it is notable how often Aboriginal Australia is not brought into conversation with New Zealand Māori histories, experiences and aspirations. A welcome addition to scholarship which actively seeks Indigenous–Indigenous connection and recognition of our shared region, Indigenous Mobilities asks what happens when we read Māori and Aboriginal mobility alongside each other. The picture that emerges is a richly hued canvas of lives fully lived and places fully inhabited against a backdrop of colonial oppression.


2014 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 25-28
Author(s):  
D.R. Stevens ◽  
J.P. Garden

The Central Otago region, with its cold winters and hot summers, and valley floors with uplift mountains is definitely "a world of difference". At the NZGA conference in Alexandra in 1966 John Hercus stated "Central Otago has a lure which sets it apart from the rest of New Zealand. Its characteristics of geology, topography and climate, its history of occupation and exploitation, its scenery at once forbidding and yet strangely fascinating - these features combine to cast a spell which few who have been exposed, can ever fully escape" (Hercus 1966). The region and its high country have an iconic status epitomised by the "Southern Man" stereotype. This places Central Otago deep in the psyche of the nation. With this goes a unique and significant set of conditions under which farming must take place. Not only does the region have the biophysical challenges of soils, water and climate to contend with, but a wider set of values, often imposed from elsewhere. Fifty years after that first conference we remain challenged. What are the opportunities in front of us and how should we best accommodate the challenge of maintaining a viable enterprise and at the same time, respecting the intense public and customer interest in our use of land and livestock? Central Otago and the associated high country of the Lakes district and McKenzie basin can be divided into three farming types. These are the valley floor irrigable type, the flat and downland dryland regions, and the high country. Each of these has challenges that are at times unique, but often overlap with problems faced in other regions.


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN C. YALDWYN ◽  
GARRY J. TEE ◽  
ALAN P. MASON

A worn Iguanodon tooth from Cuckfield, Sussex, illustrated by Mantell in 1827, 1839, 1848 and 1851, was labelled by Mantell as the first tooth sent to Baron Cuvier in 1823 and acknowledged as such by Sir Charles Lyell. The labelled tooth was taken to New Zealand by Gideon's son Walter in 1859. It was deposited in a forerunner of the Museum of New Zealand, Wellington in 1865 and is still in the Museum, mounted on a card bearing annotations by both Gideon Mantell and Lyell. The history of the Gideon and Walter Mantell collection in the Museum of New Zealand is outlined, and the Iguanodon tooth and its labels are described and illustrated. This is the very tooth which Baron Cuvier first identified as a rhinoceros incisor on the evening of 28 June 1823.


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