THE DREYFUS AFFAIR, PUBLIC OPINION AND ANTISEMITISM:

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-46
2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farouk Mardam-Bey

This article focuses on intellectuals—writers, philosophers, academics, scientists, and artists—who, by virtue of their accomplishments and talents, or simply because of their renown, wielded such moral authority that they became at times veritable “leaders of conscience,” influencing public opinion and, indeed, government policy in France. Responding to major events, whether colonial wars, international crises, or significant domestic political battles, French intellectuals weighed in time and again, from the Dreyfus affair to the bogus Sarkozy debate on “national identity.”1 This article reviews the stance of French intellectuals on the question of Palestine and the wider Arab-Israeli conflict, and examines how the ideological and political assumptions underlying their positions were not always amenable to rational explanation or easily ascribed to traditional attitudes of the Left and Right.


Author(s):  
Stephen Wilson

This chapter discusses the Dreyfus Affair, the main public “event” around which antisemitic opinion crystallized in the 1890s. Indeed, it gave antisemitism a dramatic scenario and provided its proponents with a powerful and lasting myth of Jewish inassimilability and treason. There is little doubt that Alfred Dreyfus's arrest and condemnation stemmed from the anti-Jewish prejudice of the officer corps, and its attachment to “the legend of the Jew as Judas, of the Jews as the race of Iscariot, the race of traitors.” It is also clear that the explosion of the Dreyfus Case into the Dreyfus Affair, provoked in part by those convinced of his innocence or of the illegality of his trial, was largely the responsibility of an organized antisemitic movement and newspaper press. The chapter then looks at the police reports to establish a chronological account of the evolution of opinion during the Dreyfus Affair.


Author(s):  
Stephen Wilson

This chapter analyses the extent and the nature of public interest and involvement in the Dreyfus Affair, in geographical, political, and social terms. Something can be gleaned in answer to the first question about the geography of opinion, from the police reports on disturbances during the Affair, on Dreyfusard and anti-Dreyfusard meetings, and on the distribution of sections of the various Leagues created or recreated on one side or the other. The chapter then considers the involvement or non-involvement in the Affair of existing political groups, studying in particular the behaviour of the more independent organizations of the Left and the participation of groupings of the Extreme Left. The police reports yield evidence of antisemitism and “nationalism” among workers, and it is known that the anti-Dreyfusard Leagues tried, with partial success, to recruit them. Meanwhile, in the involvement of the middle and upper classes in the Affair, one finds that several groups, professional and confessional, stand out: students and university teachers, the officer corps, Catholic clergy and laity, Protestants and Jews. The last three categories are not, of course, exclusively middle- or upper-class, but militancy among them does seem to have been mainly a phenomenon of the elite.


1966 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 316-316
Author(s):  
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