scholarly journals Correlates of Participation in Neighborhood Organizations

2012 ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Barry Checkoway ◽  
Marc A. Zimmerman
Keyword(s):  
Neighborhood Organizations

scholarly journals Grid Governance in China under the COVID-19 Outbreak: Changing Neighborhood Governance

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7089
Author(s):  
Tianke Zhu ◽  
Xigang Zhu ◽  
Jian Jin
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Private Governance ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Housing Privatization ◽  
Epidemic Period ◽  
Neighborhood Governance ◽  
Relationship Of

Housing commodification seems to suggest that a process of a state is embracing private governance. However, private governance in Chinese neighborhoods is a two-way trajectory. This paper examined two types of housing neighborhoods, namely, a work-unit housing neighborhood and gated commodity housing to understand the changes in neighborhood governance. It is interesting to observe that during the Covid-19 epidemic period, the state government enhanced its presence and public trust in neighborhood governance by changing the former ways of self-governance. As a strategy for the state to return to local governance, the grid governance is the reconfiguration of administrative resources at a neighborhood level and professionalizes neighborhood organizations to ensure the capacities of the state to solve social crises and neighborhood governance. The potential side effects of changing neighborhood governance are that while the implementation of grid governance has improved internal connections among residents, the empowered neighborhood governments acting as the “state agent on the ground” leads to an estrangement between residents and private governance. The underdevelopment of neighborhood autonomy is not only due to the restriction of state government, but more importantly, the reciprocal relationship of state-led neighborhood governance in the context of housing privatization development in China.

Urban Popular Movements in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Dosh
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Acceptable Solution ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Awkward Position ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Safety Nets

In Latin America, urban popular movements emerged in the late 1940s as thousands of low-income migrants and city residents banded together to claim land, build self-help housing, and forge neighborhood organizations that fomented community participation and mobilized to demand land titles and city services. These neighborhoods were characterized by informal housing; inadequate provision of electricity, water, sanitation, transportation, and social services; and informal employment and underemployment. During the authoritarianism of the 1960s and 1970s, some urban popular movements resisted military dictatorship while others forged clientelist ties. Democratic and authoritarian leaders alike were forced to deal with the steady influx of rural migrants to cities, and regimes of all types often came to view informal neighborhoods founded by urban popular movements as an acceptable solution to some of the challenges of urbanization. In the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal privatization of public utilities and cuts to social safety nets harmed urban popular movements, but national and local democratization expanded some avenues of participation, and the regional trend of urban popular movements expanded in numbers and extended its geographic reach. In the 2000s, socialist “Pink Tide” governments delivered benefits to low-income sectors, and many popular sectors supported these leftist regimes. Material gains proved modest, however, and state-movement alliances were rocky, leaving urban popular movements in the awkward position of being dissatisfied with national leadership, yet preferring the Pink Tide incumbents to most alternatives. And in the 2010s, a new “right turn” emerged, as conservative leaders replaced many Pink Tide presidents, threatening to reintroduce the repressive over-policing of popular sectors. Throughout these periods, the core conceptual identity of some urban popular movements shifted from the poblador (the “founder” seeking to meet his or her family’s needs) to the vecino (the “neighbor” collaborating with other movement participants through collective efforts), to the ciudadano (the empowered “citizen” who recognizes his or her needs as rights to be secured through political engagement).

scholarly journals Civic Life in the Divided Metropolis: Social Capital, Collective Action, and Residential Income Segregation

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amber Wichowsky
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Capital Investments ◽  
Community Members ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Racial Residential Segregation ◽  
Income Differences ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Income Segregation ◽  
Racial Context

Social capital is presumed to help individuals who lack financial or human capital achieve collective action through their social ties and networks of relationships. But does it help individuals overcome their socioeconomic disadvantages relative to their wealthier neighbors, or does the accumulation of social capital merely reproduce socioeconomic disparities, particularly in economically segregated places? Leveraging data from the Current Population Survey, I test whether residential income segregation is associated with larger income differences in social capital investments and collective action. I find that in more economically segregated places, wealthier residents are more likely to be members of neighborhood organizations and report working with other community members to address local issues. These results are robust to the inclusion of other potential confounders, including income inequality, racial context, and racial residential segregation. This research has implications for policy makers and stakeholders interested in building a more inclusive civic arena.

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