Open Access: A “Europe des Nations”: far right imaginative geographies and the politicization of cultural crisis on Twitter in Western Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 104-121
Author(s):  
Bharath Ganesh ◽  
Caterina Froio
2018 ◽  
Vol 113 (1) ◽  
pp. 254-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHARLOTTE CAVAILLE ◽  
JOHN MARSHALL

Low levels of education are a powerful predictor of anti-immigration sentiment. However, there is little consensus on the interpretation of this correlation: is it causal or is it an artifact of selection bias? We address this question by exploiting six major compulsory schooling reforms in five Western European countries—Denmark, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Sweden—that have recently experienced politically influential anti-immigration movements. On average, we find that compelling students to remain in secondary school for at least an additional year decreases anti-immigration attitudes later in life. Instrumental variable estimates demonstrate that, among such compliers, an additional year of secondary schooling substantially reduces the probability of opposing immigration, believing that immigration erodes a country’s quality of life, and feeling close to far-right anti-immigration parties. These results suggest that rising post-war educational attainment has mitigated the rise of anti-immigration movements. We discuss the mechanisms and implications for future research examining anti-immigration sentiment.


Author(s):  
Sindre Bangstad

This chapter discusses the life and work of Bat Ye’or (Gisèle Littman), who is widely seen as the doyenne of “Eurabia”-literature. This comes in different varieties and formulations, but in Bat Ye’or’s rendering refers to an ongoing secretive conspiracy which involves both the European Union and Muslim-majority countries in North Africa and the Middle East, aimed at establishing Muslim control over a future Europe or “Eurabia.” Though Bat Ye’or did not coin the term “Eurabia,” she can be credited with having popularized the concept through quasi-academic titles such as Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis and Europe, Globalization and the Coming Universal Caliphate. Through its dissemination on various “counter-jihadist” websites and in the work of the Norwegian counter-jihadist blogger Fjordman, her work inspired the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. She also has long-standing relations with Serbian ultranationalists, the Israeli Far Right, and various radical Right activists in Western Europe and the US.


2021 ◽  
pp. 23-46
Author(s):  
Gregory W. Fuller ◽  
Alison Johnston ◽  
Aidan Regan

Subject The decline of the Greens across Western Europe. Significance Green parties have been weakened in recent years in Europe and are suffering from the current economic and cultural context, caught between the rising far right and radical left. This regression in influence is also a regression in power at the European level, where the new European Parliament (EP) and European Commission are much less Green. Although European citizens are still attached to environmental values, there is little doubt that European environmental parties are now facing the risk of irrelevance. Impacts European policy will become less inclined to integrate environmental concerns, despite the aspirations of most European citizens. The Greens' loss of power may also weaken Europe's global leadership on environmental policy, especially climate change mitigation. The UK Green Party's surge in membership may owe more to a protest vote ahead of the May election than support for ecological issues.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Jasper Muis ◽  
Tobias Brils ◽  
Teodora Gaidytė

Abstract While debates about far-right populism often concentrate on Central and Eastern Europe, research on these parties predominantly focuses on Western countries. Addressing this remarkable gap, this article revisits the ‘protest voting’ explanation for electoral support for the far right. Using European Social Survey data (2002–16) from 22 countries, we show that political dissatisfaction is a stronger explanatory factor when far-right parties are in opposition, but is a less important determinant of electoral support when they are in government. Previous findings based on Western Europe – which similarly showed that the anti-elite hypothesis is less relevant when far-right parties join government coalitions – travel well to post-communist European countries. In Hungary and Poland, we even find that far-right voters have become less distrustful of national political institutions than the rest of the electorate. Our conclusion implies that anti-elite populism is context-dependent and has limited use for understanding successes of leaders such as Wilders, Salvini and Orbán.


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