Between Revolutions

2019 ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Paul Robinson

This chapter considers the tumultuous period of political turmoil following the 1905 Revolution. During this period, autocracy came under increasing pressure, and many conservatives either positively or grudgingly accepted the need for representative institutions or at least consultative ones. Anti-bureaucratic sentiment continued to grow and many conservatives pursued apparently paradoxical goals of strengthening autocracy while simultaneously limiting it. Meanwhile, the idea of the Russian nation remained very strongly associated with Orthodoxy, but a strand of conservatism that rested on ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism gained ground. Divisions among conservatives, furthermore, limited their political effectiveness. The defeat of the 1905 Revolution left liberalism and socialism in retreat. There was an opportunity for conservatives to take the lead and direct Russia along a new path, but they proved unable to unite around common projects.

Author(s):  
Christian Fleck

This chapter presents an overview of one sub-group of Nazi refugees: social scientists from Austria, and Vienna in particular. After a deft sketch of the constraints and opportunities for scholars, especially Jewish scholars, in 1930s Austria with its economic decline, political turmoil, and rampant anti-semitism, it compares the number of Jews in Vienna, the size of the educated class in the city, and the number of Austrian émigré and refugee social scientists with the equivalent figures for Germany. These statistics provide some explanation for the ‘disproportionally large group of former Austrians’ among the émigrés and refugee scholars in the 1930s. The chapter then illustrates the often lowly occupations of many later famous social scientists and the remarkable intellectual milieu they were part of in Vienna. The final section examines the personal and social factors that influenced their fate in exile. It concludes that, within the larger group of German-speaking refugee scholars, the Austrians who later became sociologists had characteristics that enabled them to succeed after their traumatic experiences.


1967 ◽  
Vol 6 (4, Pt.1) ◽  
pp. 447-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fischer ◽  
Brendan G. Rule
Keyword(s):  

2014 ◽  
pp. 30-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Grigoryev ◽  
E. Buryak ◽  
A. Golyashev

The Ukrainian socio-economic crisis has been developing for years and resulted in the open socio-political turmoil and armed conflict. The Ukrainian population didn’t meet objectives of the post-Soviet transformation, and people were disillusioned for years, losing trust in the state and the Future. The role of workers’ remittances in the Ukrainian economy is underestimated, since the personal consumption and stability depend strongly on them. Social inequality, oligarchic control of key national assets contributed to instability as well as regional disparity, aggravated by identity differences. Economic growth is slow due to a long-term underinvestment, and prospects of improvement are dependent on some difficult institutional reforms, macro stability, open external markets and the elites’ consensus. Recovering after socio-economic and political crisis will need not merely time, but also governance quality improvement, institutions reform, the investment climate revival - that can be attributed as the second transformation in Ukraine.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-379
Author(s):  
Jeremy Tambling

This paper explores how Judaism is represented in non-Jewish writers of the nineteenth-century (outstandingly, Walter Scott and George Eliot) and in modernist long novels, such as those by Dorothy Richardson, Marcel Proust, James Joyce, Alfred Döblin, Robert Musil, and Thomas Mann, and, in the Latin American novel, Carlos Fuentes and Roberto Bolaño. It finds a relationship between the length of the ‘long’ novel, as a meaningful category in itself (not to be absorbed into other modernist narratives), and the interest that these novels have in Judaism, and in anti-semitism (e.g. in the Dreyfus affair) as something which cannot be easily assimilated into the narratives which the writers mentioned are interested in. The paper investigates the implications of this claim for reading these texts.


Author(s):  
George E. Dutton

This chapter shifts the angle of vision from the men in Lisbon back to those they left behind in Macao and Tonkin. It discusses the ways in which both sides exchanged letters to provide updates of their respective situations. In particular it describes the increasing desperation of the community in Tonkin, suffering both from political turmoil and growing ecclesiastical precariousness as their remaining clergy aged and died. It also discusses the plight of the two Vietnamese clerics in Macao, who struggled with poverty and the pressure from ecclesiastical authorities to give up their residence and return to Tonkin to accept the apostolic vicars. The chapter concludes with the arrival of Bishop Galdino in Macao, and his lengthy, but ultimately successful efforts to dislodge the Tonkinese in the Portuguese enclave, and then to put pressure on the remaining members of the Padroado community in Tonkin itself. It concludes by noting that this combination of pressures led the remaining holdouts to surrender to the apostolic vicars by about 1805, marking the end of the Vietnamese Padroado community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.


Author(s):  
Robert Aaron Kenedy

Through a case study approach, 40 French Jews were interviewed revealing their primary reason for leaving France and resettling in Montreal was the continuous threat associated with the new anti-Semitism. The focus for many who participated in this research was the anti-Jewish sentiment in France and the result of being in a liminal diasporic state of feeling as though they belong elsewhere, possibly in France, to where they want to return, or moving on to other destinations. Multiple centred Jewish and Francophone identities were themes that emerged throughout the interviews.


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