Russian Factor in the Military and Political Conflicts of Europe in 1917–1920

Статья посвящена т. н. «русскому фактору» в период после окончания Первой мировой войны и до 1920г. Революционные события в России радикально изменили внешнеполитическую ситуацию на европейском театре и одновременно стали оказывать серьезное влияние на внутреннюю повестку стран участниц конфликта, благодаря активной политике Советской России по продвижению революционных идей и поддержке революционных движений в Европе. Подобная практика была вызвана не столько искренним желанием раздуть революционный пожар и безусловной верой в его возможность, сколько необходимостью физического выживания молодого «пролетарского государства» во враждебном капиталистическом окружении. В статье подробно рассматривается идеологическая подоплека внешней политики Советской России в это период и деятельность на этом поприще ее вождя В.И. Ленина, его попытки повлиять на общественно-политические процессы в Германии, Венгрии и Польше, а также анализируются изменения в идеологической повестке большевиков после провала советской политики по созданию плацдармов для продвижения революции в центральную Европу. Также в статье обращается внимание на то, что за внешней ширмой буржуазной революции в России явно проступают признаки целенаправленной политики по удалению с карты Европы и Азии империй — Османской, Германской, Австро-Венгерской и Российской, чему предшествовала активная компания по девальвации самих монархических институтов. Большевистская же политика по полному демонтажу прежней системы, несмотря на внешнюю враждебность идеологических установок, оказалась вполне приемлемой для тех, кто стремился не допустить пересборки Центральных держав. The article deals with the influence of the so-called Russian factor in the events following the end of the First World War up until 1920. The revolution in Russia radically changed the situation in Europe, having a major impact on the domestic and foreign policies of the belligerent nations, caused by active Soviet support for revolutionary movements in Europe. This practice stemmed not from a sincere desire to fan the revolutionary flames but rather from the survival instinct of the newly-established proletarian state, surrounded by hostile capitalistic countries. The article examines the ideological motivations behind Soviet Russia's foreign policy during this period and the activities of its leader, Vladimir Lenin, as well as his attempts to influence social and political processes in Germany, Hungary, and Poland. The study also analyzes the changes in the ideological agenda of the Bolsheviks after the failure of Soviet policy to create springboards for the advancement of the revolution into Central Europe. Moreover, the paper points out that the smokescreen of the revolution in Russia reveals clear signs of a concerted effort to wipe the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Russian Empire from the map of Europe and Asia, preceded by an active campaign aimed at undermining the monarchic institutions themselves. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik policy that sought to completely dismantle the old regime, despite the hostility of its ideology, eventually proved perfectly acceptable for those who aimed to prevent the Central Powers from rising up again.

Estate, Capital and Province in the Alexander Potyomkin’s novel Man is canceled (2007)

The article analyzes the novel of the modern Russian writer A. Potyomkin Man is canceled (2007), which received a wide public response. The main idea of the work is the need for a radical change of the “mass man” of the turn of the XX-XXI centuries at the psychosomatic level. The ideological and compositional center is the specially built Rimushkino estate in the Oryol province, where the serf spirit of the Russian Empire at the turn of the XVIII-XIX centuries is reproduced. To answer the question of why the estate space of Russia is becoming the most representative field for anthropological experiments of the beginning of the XXI century, we consider the estate neo-myths of the Silver Age (the lost paradise on earth) and the Soviet period (the camp hell living in the mentality), as well as the imperial-colonial concept of the postmodern era (the estate as a frontier in the process of class-oriented internal colonization of the country). The multidimensional semiotics of the estate sets a new relationship between “metropolitan” and “provincial” concerning the other loci of the novel.

Ordynacja lachowicka hrabiów Kossakowskich

The subject of this article is the history of the Kossakowski counts representation on the Lachowicze estate. The entailment functioning dates from 1858 to its abolition by the last representat in 1923/24 or in 1939, when the Second Republic of Poland government introduced the act of all family representation abolition. Until now, there were no documents confirming the actual existence of the Kossakowski representation and all references to this subject were reproduced from 19th century armorials. Analysis of the preserved source material has made it clear that Kossakowski family efforts to secure their property were successful and in 1882 they received approval in the Russian Empire.

В. Н. Татищев и вопросы улучшения экономического положения калмыцкого народа

Introduction. This article is devoted to the activities of Vasily Nikitich Tatishchev, when Astrakhan governor (1741–1745) responsible for the affairs of the Kalmyk steppes. It is aimed to examine his projects designed to amend the impoverishment of the broad masses of Kalmyks often left without their livestock, even without horses. The question was raised by Tatishchev himself; the governor was worried about its political implications because Kalmyks without horses were of no use for the Russian Empire. Materials and methods. The article is based on archival materials, as well as the historiography that sheds light on Tatishchev as the statesman and politician. Results. The governor repeatedly discussed the issues of the worsened social-economic situation of the people with the Kalmyk namestnik (leader) Donduk Dashi, both on official occasions and in private communication. He had various explanations for their economical degradation, pointing out the difference in the nomads’ situation of the 1840s as compared with that in Khan Ayuka’s time. His involvement in the issues concerning fishing and seasonal work of the impoverished Kalmyks shows that the governor seemed to be interested in helping them, but his projects to improve the Kalmyks’ socio-economic situation were largely unsuccessful. The reasons for the failure may be found both in the resistance of the Kalmyk rulers and zaisangs and the general weaknesses of the administration when dealing with the steppe affairs.

РИСИ СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНИХ ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЙ У МОСКОВСЬКІЙ ДЕРЖАВІ В XVII СТ.

Ключові слова: Московська держава в XVII ст., династія Романових, самодержавство, абсолютизм, станово-представницька монархія. Анотація На основі новітніх історичних досліджень поданий неупереджений погляд на розвиток Московської держави в XVII ст. через призму соціокультурного, проблемного підходу до суперечливих в історіографії питань, що турбують сьогоднішніх істориків, політиків, звичайних людей України, Росії, інших країн світу і стають предметом численних спекуляцій та маніпуляцій. У результаті проведеного дослідження висвітлено основні риси суспільно-політичних трансформацій у Московській державі в XVII ст., акцентовано увагу на спростування радянських та сучасних російських міфів щодо розвитку централізованої самодержавної моделі Московії, визначаються можливості цивілізаційного вибору Московської держави XVII ст. між станово-представницькою та абсолютистською моделями розвитку. Посилання Andreev, 2003 – Andreev I.L. Aleksey Mihaylovich [Alexey Mikhailovich]. 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«Pastoral works» in the memories of A.F. Koni: problems of freedom of conscience in the Russian Empire on the eve of the First russian revolution

This publication examines the unexplored topic of the Senate jurisprudence regarding the legal status of Lutheran priests in the Baltic States at the end of the XIX century. The author defines the significance of the policy of state pressure on Protestant pastors in the context of the general attack of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Synod on non-Orthodox religious organizations under K. Pobedonostsev. Consideration of the issue from the position of the higher court of the Empire has not previously been undertaken in the scientific literature. During the preparation of the work, mainly narrative material was used the memoirs of the Chief Prosecutor of the Senate. Due to the small number of cases and the semi-secret nature, the materials of the Senate were not particularly reflected in the collections of decisions and sentences. The problem-chronological approach was applied to study this subject. As a result, the reasons of the weak pressure on Protestant pastors the author associates with the deep rootedness of Lutheranism in the popular environment, the brutal activity of the police and the church, fears of a quarrel with the Lutheran countries of Europe, etc. Few sentences against pastors who seduced the Orthodox into another faith reached the Criminal Cassation Department of the Senate, where they met with resistance a group of senators led by the famous lawyer, humanist A.F. Koni. Among the numerous schismatic and sectarian affairs that A.F. Koni, as chief prosecutor and senator, draw attention to the so-called pastoral affairs, which have not been sufficiently researched in the domestic scientific literature, and yet they well illustrate the church-state policy of the Russian state on the outskirts of the empire on the eve of the first Russian revolution. The author concludes that pastoral affairs are interesting not only from the point of view of the struggle of Russian infidels and the domestic educated intelligentsia for freedom of conscience in Russia, but they also allow to look from the inside at the work of the bureaucratic apparatus of the empire, to understand the work (internal kitchen) of the Governing Senate: internal intrigues, the indirect influence of the monarch and the chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod on senators and, accordingly, the decision on religious matters, informal consultations of the Minister of Justice with the chief prosecutor of the criminal cassation department (probing the atmosphere in the case, including through an intermediary), the selection of a senator-rapporteur on a particular important case, etc. Thanks to A.F. Koni, attempts to persecute pastors did not develop, and after 1900 the persecution of priests on religious grounds in the Baltics stopped. The subject is interesting and requires further development and study.