scholarly journals Contested childhoods across borders and boundaries: Insights from curriculum provisions in Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State in the 1920s

Author(s):  
Leah O’Toole ◽  
Diane McClelland ◽  
Deirdre Forde ◽  
Suzanne O'Keeffe ◽  
Noel Purdy ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
pp. 186-201
Author(s):  
David Torrance

Many analysts of the politics of Northern Ireland have argued that there exists some form of ‘Ulster nationalism’, particularly among Ulster Unionists. After 1886, when Gladstone promised Home Rule for Ireland, Unionists fashioned an Ulster identity predicated on Protestantism and ‘loyalty’ to the British Crown. This was contrasted with the ‘disloyalty’ of Catholics in what would become the Republic of Ireland. This form of ‘nationalist unionism’ was more ethnic in character than the civic variety which existed in Scotland and Wales. It too contained contradictions, not least its suspicion of Westminster and paranoia as to the intentions of successive UK governments towards the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. At various points after 1921, some Ulster Unionists even toyed with the idea of Northern Ireland becoming a ‘Dominion’ (like the Irish Free State) or else pursuing some other form of ‘independence’ from the UK.



1935 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 130-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. D. Clark ◽  
H. G. Leask ◽  
E. E. Evans ◽  
V. Gordon Childe ◽  
W. F. Grimes

The authors of these notes have to acknowledge the ready co-operation of the numerous excavators who have kindly contributed information concerning their work. The foregoing notes are designed to put members of the Prehistoric Society in possession of the main results of the summer's work, most of which will not be published in full for several months. Once again we would draw attention to the fact that notes on the publications of the year will be published in the Archaeological Journal by Mr and Mrs Hawkes.



1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (86) ◽  
pp. 144-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.S. Johnson

In an article published in 1970 Professor Harkness has examined in some detail the negotiations between Britain and the Irish Free State during the economic war, particularly as they affected the relationships of Britain and the Commonwealth. This article discusses an aspect of the dispute not covered in his paper, the part Northern Ireland played in the quarrel, and in particular its role in making a final settlement more difficult. It also examines how the economic war affected relations between Britain and the province.Although in the end the dispute proved, at least to Malcolm Macdonald’s satisfaction, that ‘the difficulty between North and South still lies at the root of the Anglo-Irish problem’, this was not evident when it began. In 1932, at the outbreak of the war, the question of partition did not arise. As Professor Mansergh has pointed out ‘the coin of contemporary political controversy in Ireland’ concerned the oath of allegiance, the position of the Governor-General, the question ofthe treaty ports and even the right of Ireland to secede from the Commonwealth.



Author(s):  
Malcolm Macourt

The physical boundary (‘the border’) between Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland has featured as a crucial part in relationships across the island, not least in the negotiations between the UK and the EU over Brexit.  Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921, a Boundary Commission was established with Professor Eoin MacNeill as the representative of the Irish Free State.  It started its work after the civil war in the Irish Free State (1922-23) had ceased.  It almost achieved its objective of a revised border.  With the agreement of all sides, the major source of data was religion in the 1911 Census, but individual returns were not made available to the Commission.  The areas agreed for transfer involved large majorities of Catholics to the Free State and large majorities of Protestants to the North.  The only exception was the Laggan in northeast Donegal, an area with a small Protestant majority.  At the last moment MacNeill withdrew, the Commission could not produce a unanimous report, therefore its report was unenforceable and it remained secret for over 40 years.  The 1911 Census forms became available in the new millennium permitting detailed examination of the Laggan.  This paper addresses the outcomes of the Commission’s work and questions whether there was a particular problem which caused MacNeill to withdraw.  Speculation on MacNeill’s activity in this exercise is offered and related to his official reasons for sinking the Commission.



1936 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 211-228
Author(s):  
J. G. D. Clark ◽  
H. G. Leask ◽  
E. Estyn Evans ◽  
V. Gordon Childe ◽  
W. F. Grimes

The authors of these notes acknowledge the ready co-operation of the numerous excavators who have contributed information concerning their work carried out during the present year.



1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (116) ◽  
pp. 537-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Loughlin

During the civil rights campaign of the late 1960s the perception of the Stormont government as fascist was widespread among nationalists—a perception expressed in Nazi salutes and the chant ‘S.S.—R.U.C.’ when confronting the police. The historical reference this perception embodied, however, was less than comprehensive. In particular, it obscured the attraction that fascism and movements inspired by fascism had for many people in Britain and Ireland in the inter-war years; and while fascism did not give rise to a movement of major importance in Northern Ireland, it nevertheless had a more significant presence there than has sometimes been thought. For instance, Robert Fisk's view that the only fascists in the north were Italian émigrés, grouped in Belfast and Derry, is inaccurate. In fact at various times in this period there existed branches of the British Fascists (B.F.), representatives of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (B.U.F.), together with a brief but significant initiative on Northern Ireland by the leader of the Blueshirt movement in the Irish Free State, General Eoin O'Duffy. Unlike the local representatives of Italian fascism, who confined their activities chiefly to greeting visiting Italian dignitaries and maintaining links with the homeland, these groups were very much concerned with domestic politics. Fascism in Northern Ireland, however, has other claims to attention than those occasioned by their activities alone, for it also serves to illuminate the neglected area of B.U.F. attitudes to Ireland in general.



1937 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 437-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. D. Clark ◽  
H. G. Leask ◽  
E. Estyn Evans ◽  
V. Gordon Childe ◽  
W. F. Grimes

The authors of these notes acknowledge the ready collaboration of the numerous excavators who have contributed information or notes concerning work carried out during the present year.



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