scholarly journals The Border, the Laggan and the Professor

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Malcolm Macourt
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Free State ◽  
The North ◽  
Irish Free State ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Crucial Part ◽  
Physical Boundary ◽  
Over 40 Years ◽  
The Eu

The physical boundary (‘the border’) between Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland has featured as a crucial part in relationships across the island, not least in the negotiations between the UK and the EU over Brexit.  Under the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921, a Boundary Commission was established with Professor Eoin MacNeill as the representative of the Irish Free State.  It started its work after the civil war in the Irish Free State (1922-23) had ceased.  It almost achieved its objective of a revised border.  With the agreement of all sides, the major source of data was religion in the 1911 Census, but individual returns were not made available to the Commission.  The areas agreed for transfer involved large majorities of Catholics to the Free State and large majorities of Protestants to the North.  The only exception was the Laggan in northeast Donegal, an area with a small Protestant majority.  At the last moment MacNeill withdrew, the Commission could not produce a unanimous report, therefore its report was unenforceable and it remained secret for over 40 years.  The 1911 Census forms became available in the new millennium permitting detailed examination of the Laggan.  This paper addresses the outcomes of the Commission’s work and questions whether there was a particular problem which caused MacNeill to withdraw.  Speculation on MacNeill’s activity in this exercise is offered and related to his official reasons for sinking the Commission.

Northern Ireland and ‘Ulster Nationalism’

2020 ◽  
pp. 186-201
Author(s):  
David Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Free State ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
Irish Free State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk

Many analysts of the politics of Northern Ireland have argued that there exists some form of ‘Ulster nationalism’, particularly among Ulster Unionists. After 1886, when Gladstone promised Home Rule for Ireland, Unionists fashioned an Ulster identity predicated on Protestantism and ‘loyalty’ to the British Crown. This was contrasted with the ‘disloyalty’ of Catholics in what would become the Republic of Ireland. This form of ‘nationalist unionism’ was more ethnic in character than the civic variety which existed in Scotland and Wales. It too contained contradictions, not least its suspicion of Westminster and paranoia as to the intentions of successive UK governments towards the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. At various points after 1921, some Ulster Unionists even toyed with the idea of Northern Ireland becoming a ‘Dominion’ (like the Irish Free State) or else pursuing some other form of ‘independence’ from the UK.

Peripherality and Northern Ireland

1994 ◽  
Vol 150 ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Begg ◽  
David Mayes
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Action ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
The North ◽  
Working Age ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk ◽  
North Western ◽  
The Eu

In writing recently about the economic problems that Northern Ireland faces (Begg and Mayes, 1994) we argued, uncontroversially, that an end to the ‘Troubles’ would significantly alter the region's prospects. Our analysis, nevertheless, focused on other factors which might be amenable to policy action. With an end to the Troubles in Northern Ireland now on the cards, these other characteristics of the Northern Ireland economy must be expected to be of increased importance in determining the Province's competitiveness compared with other parts of the UK and, indeed, other regions of the European Union. In particular, Northern Ireland is a prime example of a ‘peripheral’ economy, located as it is at the North-Western corner of the EU and facing the further barrier of a sea crossing to markets other than the Republic of Ireland. It is also a region that shares a number of the characteristics of the older industrial regions of Britain, such as high unemployment, persistent emigration of working-age population and difficulties in achieving industrial restructuring (Harris et al., 1990; Harris 1991).

Northern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years

1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (116) ◽  
pp. 537-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Loughlin
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Free State ◽  
Italian Fascism ◽  
The North ◽  
Irish Free State

During the civil rights campaign of the late 1960s the perception of the Stormont government as fascist was widespread among nationalists—a perception expressed in Nazi salutes and the chant ‘S.S.—R.U.C.’ when confronting the police. The historical reference this perception embodied, however, was less than comprehensive. In particular, it obscured the attraction that fascism and movements inspired by fascism had for many people in Britain and Ireland in the inter-war years; and while fascism did not give rise to a movement of major importance in Northern Ireland, it nevertheless had a more significant presence there than has sometimes been thought. For instance, Robert Fisk's view that the only fascists in the north were Italian émigrés, grouped in Belfast and Derry, is inaccurate. In fact at various times in this period there existed branches of the British Fascists (B.F.), representatives of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (B.U.F.), together with a brief but significant initiative on Northern Ireland by the leader of the Blueshirt movement in the Irish Free State, General Eoin O'Duffy. Unlike the local representatives of Italian fascism, who confined their activities chiefly to greeting visiting Italian dignitaries and maintaining links with the homeland, these groups were very much concerned with domestic politics. Fascism in Northern Ireland, however, has other claims to attention than those occasioned by their activities alone, for it also serves to illuminate the neglected area of B.U.F. attitudes to Ireland in general.

scholarly journals Brexit and Territorial Preferences: Evidence from Scotland and Northern Ireland

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-211
Author(s):  
Lesley-Ann Daniels ◽  
Alexander Kuo
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Religious Background ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Has the UK referendum to leave the EU (Brexit) affected territorial preferences within the UK? We draw on comparative theories of such preferences to address this question, as Brexit can be seen as a shock to a political unit. We test hypotheses in two key regions, Scotland and Northern Ireland, with original surveys fielded at a unique time (September 2019). We randomize making salient different Brexit scenarios and measure support for Scottish independence and unification with Ireland within each region. We find in Scotland the prospect of leaving the EU increases support for independence. This effect is pronounced among those who support the UK remaining in the EU. In Northern Ireland, religious background correlates highly with territorial views, and we find little evidence of Brexit or border-scenario effects. Our results contribute to the literature on decentralization processes and the EU, and provide evidence of when negative shocks affect such preferences.

The EU as an “enforcement patchwork”: the impact of national enforcement for compliance with EU water law in Spain and Britain

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mónica García Quesada
Keyword(s):  
Waste Water Treatment ◽  
National Level ◽  
State Level ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Deterrent Effect ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

AbstractFailures of compliance with European Union (EU) directives have revealed the EU as a political system capable of enacting laws in a wide range of different policy areas, but facing difficulties to ensure their actual implementation. Although the EU relies on national enforcement agencies to ensure compliance with the EU legislation, there is scarce analysis of the differential deterrent effect of national enforcement in EU law compliance. This article examines the enforcement of an EU water directive, the Urban Waste Water Treatment Directive, in Spain and the UK. It focuses on the existing national sanctions for disciplining actors in charge of complying with EU requirements, and on the actual use of punitive sanctions. The analysis shows that a more comprehensive and active disciplinary regime at the national level contributes to explain a higher degree of compliance with EU law. The article calls for a detailed examination of the national administrative and criminal sanction system for a more comprehensive understanding of the incentives and disincentives to comply with EU law at the national state level.

The UK's Withdrawal from the EU

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Dougan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Legal Perspective ◽  
The Future ◽  
Article 50 ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Following a national referendum on 23 June 2016, the UK announced its intention to end its decades-long membership of the EU. That decision initiated a process of complex negotiations, governed by Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, with a view to making the arrangements required for an ‘orderly Brexit’. This book explores the UK’s departure from the EU from a legal perspective. As well as analysing the various constitutional principles relevant to ‘EU withdrawal law’, and detailing the main issues and problems arising during the Brexit process itself, the book provides a critical analysis of the final EU–UK Withdrawal Agreement—including dedicated chapters on the future protection of citizens’ rights, the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, and the prospects for future EU–UK relations in fields such as trade and security.

The Irish Border

2020 ◽  
pp. 148-168
Author(s):  
Colin Harvey
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
Controversial Issue ◽  
Long Term Consequences ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

This chapter focuses on Northern Ireland, a jurisdiction within the UK acutely affected by the nature of the Brexit debate and the process. It is a contested region that is divided along ethno-national lines and still emerging from a violent conflict. Removing Northern Ireland from the EU against its wishes will have long-term consequences that remain difficult to predict. One result is a more intense discussion of the region’s place within the UK, with Irish reunification acknowledged to be a way to return to the EU. The chapter then analyses the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland attached to the Withdrawal Agreement which regulates the single most controversial issue in the Brexit process: namely, the Irish border question. It looks at the difficulties connected to the fragile peace process in Northern Ireland and explains the creative solution that was ultimately agreed in the withdrawal treaty to prevent the return of a hard border in the island of Ireland through regulatory alignment, while also indicating the challenges that the Protocol creates.

Cold Induced Abnormal Catches of Sole

1998 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 345-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.W. Horwood ◽  
R.S. Millner
Keyword(s):  
North Sea ◽  
Cold Water ◽  
The South ◽  
Total Allowable Catch ◽  
The North ◽  
Solea Solea ◽  
The North Sea ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Made In

Large catches of sole (Solea solea) were made in early 1996 from the south-western North Sea. Sole suffer physiological damage in waters below 3–4 C. In February 1996 cold water of 3–4 C unusually extended from the Continental coast onto the Dogger Bank. It is likely that the increased catches were due to the consequential distribution and behaviour of the sole, making them more susceptible to capture.Exceptionally large catches of mature sole (Solea solea (L.)) were made in February 1996 by Lowestoft fishermen from the south-western North Sea. Surprisingly this was not welcome. The UK allocation of the North Sea sole is -4 % of the EU Total Allowable Catch (TAC), and fishermen are restricted nationally, and by the fishing companies, to a tightly managed ration. The Lowestoft Journal (8 March 1996) reported the suspension of a local fishing skipper for not throwing back 5000 kg of sole caught in the Silver Pits. We will show that the abnormal catches were due to exceptionally cold waters.Sole in the North Sea are at the northern extremity of their range, with sole seldom living in waters below 5°C (Horwood, 1993). In fact, North Sea sole were successfully introduced into Lake Quarun, Egypt, where they lived in temperatures in excess of 30°C (El-Zarka, 1965). Young sole migrate from their shallow inshore nursery grounds, such as the Waddensea, as winter approaches (Creutzberg & Fonds, 1971).

Notes on Excavations in England, the Irish Free State, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, during 1935

1935 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 130-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. G. D. Clark ◽  
H. G. Leask ◽  
E. E. Evans ◽  
V. Gordon Childe ◽  
W. F. Grimes
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Free State ◽  
Irish Free State

The authors of these notes have to acknowledge the ready co-operation of the numerous excavators who have kindly contributed information concerning their work. The foregoing notes are designed to put members of the Prehistoric Society in possession of the main results of the summer's work, most of which will not be published in full for several months. Once again we would draw attention to the fact that notes on the publications of the year will be published in the Archaeological Journal by Mr and Mrs Hawkes.

scholarly journals Brexit and Its Political Implications: the Cases of Scotland and Northern Ireland

2018 ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Kirill Petrov
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The article describes the political process in the UK after the referendum on leaving the EU. Unsuccessful at least until February 2019 negotiations between the Conservative government and the EU are at the center of the process. Considerable attention is paid to the results of the general parliamentary elections of 2017, which brought the decline of multi-party politics. The article points to Brexit’s obvious connection with disruptions in the process of devolution and the emergence of new problems in the central government relations with the regions: Scotland and Northern Ireland.

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