Asymmetries in doubling and Cyclic Linearization

Author(s):  
Tommy Tsz-Ming Lee
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Colin Davis ◽  
Kenyon Branan

A growing body of work argues that Agree has the effect of “unlocking” certain domains, phases, such that otherwise illicit extraction from them becomes permitted (Rackowski & Richards 2005, van Urk and Richards 2015, Halpert 2016, 2018, Branan 2018). First, we address when such unlocking is required. While some works argue that unlocking is only needed for extraction from deep within a phase, others argue that all extraction requires it. We argue in support of the former view, based on Chichewa facts reported in Mchombo (2004, 2006). Second, we consider the relationship between unlocking effects and phase theory more generally. We argue that the possibility of unlocking indicates that material deep within a phase must not be rendered inaccessible by spellout, or else unlocking effects should be impossible. We explore how unlocking might be handled in the cyclic linearization theory of phases (Fox & Pesetsky 2005, a.o.) which leaves syntactic elements accessible post-spellout.


Nordlyd ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. pp
Author(s):  
Eva Engels

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 14pt; margin: 0cm 14.2pt 0pt; mso-line-height-rule: exactly;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: Cambria;">In Faroese, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is subject to variation across dialects, as well as to variation across speakers of the same dialect as regards preposition stranding and pied-piping. In particular, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is possible for all speakers in the presence of a main verb <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">in situ</em>, stranding the preposition. Only if the main verb undergoes finite verb movement does dialectal and inter-speaker variation arise. In Icelandic, in contrast, the choice between preposition stranding and pied-piping during Negative Shift seems to be independent of verb position and to be lexically determined by the verb-preposition combination instead.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 14pt; margin: 0cm 14.2pt 12pt; mso-line-height-rule: exactly;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: Cambria;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; </span>These asymmetries will be accounted for within Fox and Pesetsky's (2003, 2005) cyclic linearization model, which requires non-string-vacuous movement to proceed through the left edge of Spell-out domains, deriving cross-linguistic variation as to Negative Shift from differences in the availability of these left-edge positions. Thereby, pied-piping is considered a last resort strategy, possible only if the prepositional complement cannot undergo Negative Shift on its own due to the unavailability of the relevant left-edge position.</span></span></p>


2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Fox ◽  
David Pesetsky

2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Engels

In the Scandinavian languages, sentential negation must be licensed in Spec–head relation in the IP-domain, necessitating leftward movement of negative objects, Negative Shift (NegS). While string-vacuous NegS is possible in all Scandinavian varieties, there is a fair amount of cross-linguistic variation in non-string-vacuous NegS. In particular, the varieties contrast in which constituents can be crossed by NegS and whether or not crossing of a certain constituent requires the presence of an intervening verb. The paper presents the complex variation as to the distribution of negative objects in Scandinavian, using data from different sources, and outlines an analysis within Fox & Pesetsky's (2003, 2005a, b) cyclic linearization model, which accounts for this variation by differences in the availability of the intermediate positions non-string-vacuous movement is forced to proceed through.


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