Preposition stranding versus pied-piping: Negative Shift of prepositional complements in dialects of Faroese

In Faroese, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is subject to variation across dialects, as well as to variation across speakers of the same dialect as regards preposition stranding and pied-piping. In particular, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is possible for all speakers in the presence of a main verb in situ, stranding the preposition. Only if the main verb undergoes finite verb movement does dialectal and inter-speaker variation arise. In Icelandic, in contrast, the choice between preposition stranding and pied-piping during Negative Shift seems to be independent of verb position and to be lexically determined by the verb-preposition combination instead.         These asymmetries will be accounted for within Fox and Pesetsky's (2003, 2005) cyclic linearization model, which requires non-string-vacuous movement to proceed through the left edge of Spell-out domains, deriving cross-linguistic variation as to Negative Shift from differences in the availability of these left-edge positions. Thereby, pied-piping is considered a last resort strategy, possible only if the prepositional complement cannot undergo Negative Shift on its own due to the unavailability of the relevant left-edge position.

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Microvariation in object positions: Negative Shift in Scandinavian

Nordic Journal of Linguistics ◽

10.1017/s033258651100014x ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 34 (2) ◽

pp. 133-155 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Eva Engels

Keyword(s):

Linguistic Variation ◽

Negative Shift ◽

Sentential Negation ◽

Complex Variation ◽

Using Data ◽

Cyclic Linearization ◽

Different Sources

In the Scandinavian languages, sentential negation must be licensed in Spec–head relation in the IP-domain, necessitating leftward movement of negative objects, Negative Shift (NegS). While string-vacuous NegS is possible in all Scandinavian varieties, there is a fair amount of cross-linguistic variation in non-string-vacuous NegS. In particular, the varieties contrast in which constituents can be crossed by NegS and whether or not crossing of a certain constituent requires the presence of an intervening verb. The paper presents the complex variation as to the distribution of negative objects in Scandinavian, using data from different sources, and outlines an analysis within Fox & Pesetsky's (2003, 2005a, b) cyclic linearization model, which accounts for this variation by differences in the availability of the intermediate positions non-string-vacuous movement is forced to proceed through.

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Discourse Functions

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199642670.013.24 ◽

2015 ◽

Author(s):

Katalin É. Kiss

Keyword(s):

Sentence Structure ◽

Focus Position ◽

Verb Movement ◽

Left Edge ◽

Logical Subject ◽

Discourse Functions

The chapter first summarizes the syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic properties of the topic–comment structure in the Hungarian sentence. It describes the topic as a constituent external to the extended verbal projection, binding an empty argument in the comment, derived by topic movement or base-generated in situ. The topic functions as the logical subject of predication. Then the chapter discusses the focus–background articulation of the comment. The Hungarian sentence structure contains a designated focus position at the left edge of the comment. The focus elicits verb movement. The Hungarian focus construction, expressing exhaustive identification, is analysed as a predication structure both syntactically and semantically. It is claimed to represent specificational predication, with the background determining a set, and the focus referentially identifying its members.

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A typological analysis of the Chained-Aorist construction in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber)

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.41.1.06mau ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 41 (1) ◽

pp. 198-222 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Simone Mauri

Keyword(s):

Linguistic Variation ◽

Content Type ◽

Subordinate Clauses ◽

Finite Verb

Clause-linking mechanisms are subject to cross-linguistic variation. As far as non-subordinate clauses are concerned, any combination of two clauses may show two predicates mutually equal or different in terms of finiteness: these are known as co-ranking and clause-chaining structures, respectively (Longacre 2007: 375). Clause-chaining constructions show two structural possibilities, namely medial-final and initial-medial chaining, depending on whether the more-finite verb follows or precedes the less-finite one. Clause-chaining constructions are found in unrelated language families scattered across the globe, including Afroasiatic (Longacre 1990). However, the existing typological literature on the topic has totally neglected Berber, another Afroasiatic language. This work focuses on a clause-linking strategy found in Ayt Atta Tamazight (Berber, henceforth AAT) and in other Berber languages, the so-called Chained-Aorist construction (henceforth C-AOR). Stemming from my fieldwork on AAT, this paper provides an innovative typological analysis of C-AOR, analysing it in terms of initial-medial clause chaining.

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Verb-movement

Parameter Hierarchies and Universal Grammar ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198804635.003.0006 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 342-418

Author(s):

Ian Roberts

Keyword(s):

Linguistic Variation ◽

Event Semantics ◽

Verb Second ◽

Verb Movement ◽

History Of

The chapter begins with a very brief excursus into Davidsonian event semantics, explaining the basic motivation for positing event variables, as well as ‘separation’ of θ‎-roles from predicates. It then develops the TP-Denotation Hypothesis, i.e. the idea that events are denoted through the Tense feature. This naturally leads to a tripartite typology of Tense vs No-Tense languages, and Weak-Tense vs Strong-Tense languages. Strong-Tense (Romance), Weak-Tense (mainly English), and No-Tense (Chinese) languages are illustrated. The chapter then turns to other examples of cross-linguistic variation in verb-movement: V-initial languages and Germanic verb-second, where a novel labelling-based proposal for certain core properties is developed. The proposals regarding the changes affecting the ‘inversion’ system through the history of English made by Biberauer & Roberts are then summarized. The chapter concludes with a parameter hierarchy for Tense.

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The scope of embedded Verb Second in modern Yiddish

Rethinking Verb Second ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0028 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 665-681

Author(s):

Molly Diesing ◽

Beatrice Santorini

Keyword(s):

Native Speaker ◽

Second Order ◽

Verb Second ◽

Verb Movement ◽

Embedded Clauses ◽

Finite Verb

Embedded Verb Second (V2) clauses have been analysed as embedded main clauses or in terms of selection. This chapter presents data from both corpora and native speaker judgements showing that Verb Second order in embedded clauses in Yiddish goes well beyond what can be explained by either of the above approaches, with V2 possible and attested in interrogatives as well as declaratives. Adjunction of adverbials to V2 clauses is possible as well, yielding orders with the finite verb in third position (V3). But V3 resulting from lack of verb movement, as is seen in Mainland Scandinavian and (optionally) in Icelandic, is not found.

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Verb-third in Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch

NOWELE North-Western European Language Evolution ◽

10.1075/nowele.00004.som ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 71 (1) ◽

pp. 56-98

Author(s):

Katerina Somers

Keyword(s):

Old High German ◽

Verb Second ◽

Verb Movement ◽

The Status ◽

Finite Verb

Abstract This article investigates the status of so-called verb-final declaratives in Otfrid’s Evangelienbuch, with a focus on whether clauses in which there is no apparent subordinator and the finite verb occurs later than the expected verb-first or verb-second position can be treated as verb-third (V3) clauses, as they are defined for Old High German in works such as Axel (2007) and Tomaselli (1995). Drawing on a set of 746 clauses, I argue that there is no evidence that the finite verbs in these clauses have undergone verb movement, as is claimed in the aforementioned works, nor are the asyndetic verb-late clauses with a verb in surface third position consistent with the patterns identified in the generative literature for the V3 type.

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Echo Questions in the Minimalist Program

Linguistic Inquiry ◽

10.1162/ling.2010.41.1.131 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 41 (1) ◽

pp. 131-148 ◽

Cited By ~ 14

Author(s):

Nicholas Sobin

Keyword(s):

Minimalist Program ◽

Wide Scope ◽

Verb Movement ◽

Question Formation ◽

Scope Assignment ◽

Echo Questions

English echo questions present numerous challenges to the analysis of interrogatives, including (a) simple wh-in-situ (You saw who?); (b) apparent Superiority violations (What did who see?); (c) apparent verb movement without wh-movement (Has Mary seen what?); and (d) requisite wide scope only for echo-question-introduced wh-phrases (underlined in these examples—only who in What did who see? is being asked about). Such apparently contrary features may be explained in terms of independently necessary scope assignment mechanisms and a complementizer that subordinates the utterance being echoed and “freezes” its CP structure. No norms of question formation are violated.

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Syntactic and Prosodic Reflexes of Information Structure in Germanic

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199642670.013.40 ◽

2015 ◽

Author(s):

Gisbert Fanselow

Keyword(s):

Word Order ◽

Information Structure ◽

Acoustic Properties ◽

Verb Second ◽

Left Edge ◽

Word Order Variation ◽

Order Variation ◽

Germanic Languages ◽

Finite Verb

This chapter deals with syntactic and prosodic reflexes of information structure in the Germanic languages. It begins with an overview of givenness and word order variation in the TP, along with aboutness topics and the prosodic prominence of topics and foci. It then considers the postulation of a focus head in Germanic and how contrast seems to intensify the acoustic properties of topics and foci. It shows how the left edge of verb second clauses acts as a slot for placing contrastive elements in all Germanic languages, but that the position is also filled on purely formal grounds. The article also describes the conditions of information structure that decide whether an XP can go to the position preceding the finite verb/auxiliary in the verb second (V2) constructions. Finally, it discusses two types of V2 constructions: unrestricted V2 constructions and pragmatically restricted V2 constructions.

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Changing EPP parameters

10.1093/oso/9780198759522.003.0005 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Lieven Danckaert

Keyword(s):

Word Order ◽

Clause Structure ◽

Verb Movement ◽

Modal Verbs ◽

The Core ◽

History Of ◽

Parametric Change ◽

T Domain ◽

The Way

This chapter starts with a description of the core facts concerning the VPAux/AuxVP alternation in the history of Latin. In the case of modal verbs and infinitives, there is a clear decline of the head-final order VPAux, whereas Late Latin BE-periphrases surprisingly prefer this order. Against the backdrop of these observations, the discussion then turns to the analysis of Classical and Late Latin clause structure. It is proposed that during the transition from Classical to Late Latin, a major parametric change took place related to the way the clausal EPP-requirement is satisfied. In the earlier grammar (‘Grammar A’), the entire VP undergoes A-movement to the high T-domain, resulting in the characteristic VPAux word order. In the later grammar (‘Grammar B’) the EPP-requirement is met by means of verb movement, with the VP staying in situ. In this grammar VPAux-orders are derived through roll-up movement, which is incompatible with the VOAux-pattern.

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On variation in Faroese verb placement

Nordlyd ◽

10.7557/12.227 ◽

2010 ◽

Vol 36 (2) ◽

pp. pp ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Kristine Bentzen ◽

Piotr Garbacz ◽

Caroline Heycock ◽

Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson

Keyword(s):

Geographical Variation ◽

Faroe Islands ◽

Font Size ◽

The South ◽

Verb Movement ◽

The North ◽

Gender And Age ◽

Age Variation ◽

Verb Placement

In this paper, we present and discuss results from an investigation of verb placement in modern Faroese in which we collected data from speakers from a number of different dialect areas in the Faroe Islands. Altogether we interviewed 54 informants, aged 15–67, 29 women and 25 men. Therefore, our study not only investigates the geographical variation claimed to be present in Faroese with respect to verb placement, but also gender and age variation. Our results indicate that verb movement in non-V2 contexts is no longer commonly available to the speakers of Faroese. However, our results also suggest that verb movement across adverbs like often and already tends to be more acceptable than movement across negation and other adverbs like never and undoubtedly. Furthermore, movement of finite auxiliaries generally receives a slightly higher score than movement of finite main verbs. Our results do not show any differences in the judgements of speakers below and above the age of 25. Contrary to Jonas (1996), we find that speakers in the North are, if anything, more likely to accept verb movement than speakers in the South.

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