Independent syntactic representation identified in left front-temporal cortex during Chinese sentence comprehension

2021 ◽  
Vol 214 ◽  
pp. 104907
Author(s):  
Zhenghui Sun ◽  
Yajiao Shi ◽  
Peng Guo ◽  
Yiming Yang ◽  
Zude Zhu
Neurology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (3) ◽  
pp. e224-e233 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.-Marsel Mesulam ◽  
Benjamin M. Rader ◽  
Jaiashre Sridhar ◽  
Matthew J. Nelson ◽  
Jungmoon Hyun ◽  
...  

ObjectiveTo explore atrophy–deficit correlations of word comprehension and repetition in temporoparietal cortices encompassing the Wernicke area, based on patients with primary progressive aphasia (PPA).MethodsCortical thickness in regions within and outside the classical Wernicke area, measured by FreeSurfer, was correlated with repetition and single word comprehension scores in 73 right-handed patients at mild to moderate stages of PPA.ResultsAtrophy in the Wernicke area was correlated with repetition (r = 0.42, p = 0.001) but not single word comprehension (r = −0.072, p = 0.553). Correlations with word comprehension were confined to more anterior parts of the temporal lobe, especially its anterior third (r = 0.60, p < 0.001). A single case with postmortem autopsy illustrated preservation of word comprehension but not repetition 6 months prior to death despite nearly 50% loss of cortical volume and severe neurofibrillary degeneration in core components of the Wernicke area.ConclusionsTemporoparietal cortices containing the Wernicke area are critical for language repetition. Contrary to the formulations of classic aphasiology, their role in word and sentence comprehension is ancillary rather than critical. Thus, the Wernicke area is not sufficient to sustain word comprehension if the anterior temporal lobe is damaged. Traditional models of the role of the Wernicke area in comprehension are based almost entirely on patients with cerebrovascular lesions. Such lesions also cause deep white matter destruction and acute network diaschisis, whereas progressive neurodegenerative diseases associated with PPA do not. Conceptualizations of the Wernicke area that appear to conflict, therefore, can be reconciled by considering the hodologic and physiologic differences of the underlying lesions.


Neuroreport ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 1749-1752 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Humphries ◽  
Kimberley Willard ◽  
Bradley Buchsbaum ◽  
Gregory Hickok

2007 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 1193-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabet Service ◽  
Päivi Helenius ◽  
Sini Maury ◽  
Riitta Salmelin

Electrophysiological methods have been used to study the temporal sequence of syntactic and semantic processing during sentence comprehension. Two responses associated with syntactic violations are the left anterior negativity (LAN) and the P600. A response to semantic violation is the N400. Although the sources of the N400 response have been identified in the left (and right) temporal lobe, the neural signatures of the LAN and P600 have not been revealed. The present study used magnetoencephalography to localize sources of syntactic and semantic activation in Finnish sentence reading. Participants were presented with sentences that ended in normally inf lected nouns, nouns in an unacceptable case, verbs instead of nouns, or nouns that were correctly inflected but made no sense in the context. Around 400 msec, semantically anomalous last words evoked strong activation in the left superior temporal lobe with significant activation also for word class errors (N400). Weaker activation was seen for the semantic errors in the right hemisphere. Later, 600-800 msec after word onset, the strongest activation was seen to word class and morphosyntactic errors (P600). Activation was significantly weaker to semantically anomalous and correct words. The P600 syntactic activation was localized to bilateral sources in the temporal lobe, posterior to the N400 sources. The results suggest that the same general region of the superior temporal cortex gives rise to both LAN and N400 with bilateral reactivity to semantic manipulation and a left hemisphere effect to syntactic manipulation. The bilateral P600 response was sensitive to syntactic but not semantic factors.


Cortex ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 86-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon O.H. Kroczek ◽  
Thomas C. Gunter ◽  
Anna U. Rysop ◽  
Angela D. Friederici ◽  
Gesa Hartwigsen

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie M Hardy ◽  
Ole Jensen ◽  
Linda Wheeldon ◽  
Ali Mazaheri ◽  
Katrien Segaert

Successful sentence comprehension requires the binding, or composition, of multiple words into larger structures to establish meaning. Using magnetoencephalography (MEG), we investigated the neural mechanisms involved in binding of language at the level of syntax, in a task in which contributions from semantics were minimized. Participants were auditorily presented with minimal sentences that required binding (pronoun and pseudo-verb with the corresponding morphological inflection; "she grushes") and wordlists that did not require binding (two pseudo-verbs; "cugged grushes"). Relative to the no binding wordlist condition, we found that syntactic binding in a minimal sentence structure was associated with a modulation in alpha band (8-12 Hz) activity in left-lateralized brain regions. First, in the sentence condition, we observed a significantly smaller increase in alpha power around the presentation of the target word ("grushes") that required binding (-0.05s to 0.1s), which we suggest reflects an expectation of binding to occur. Second, following the presentation of the target word (around 0.15s to 0.25s), during syntactic binding we observed significantly decreased alpha phase-locking between the left inferior frontal gyrus and the left middle/inferior temporal cortex. We suggest that this results from alpha-driven cortical disinhibition serving to increase information transfer between these two brain regions and strengthen the syntax composition neural network. Together, our findings highlight that successful syntax composition is underscored by the rapid spatial-temporal activation and coordination of language-relevant brain regions, and that alpha band oscillations are critically important in controlling the allocation and transfer of the brain's resources during syntax composition.


2015 ◽  
Vol 584 ◽  
pp. 351-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linjun Zhang ◽  
Qiuhai Yue ◽  
Yang Zhang ◽  
Hua Shu ◽  
Ping Li

2008 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1170-1178 ◽  
Author(s):  
K.H. Kho ◽  
P. Indefrey ◽  
P. Hagoort ◽  
C.W.M. van Veelen ◽  
P.C. van Rijen ◽  
...  

2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 848-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Oliveri ◽  
Leonor Romero ◽  
Costanza Papagno

It has been suggested that figurative language, which includes idioms, is controlled by the right hemisphere. We tested the right hemisphere hypothesis by using repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) to transiently disrupt the function of the frontal and temporal areas of the right versus left hemisphere in a group of normal participants involved in a task of opaque idiom versus literal sentence comprehension. Forty opaque, nonambiguous idioms were selected. Fifteen young healthy participants underwent rTMS in two sessions. The experiment was run in five blocks, corresponding to the four stimulated scalp positions (left frontal and temporal and right frontal and temporal) and a baseline. Each block consisted of 16 trials—8 trials with idioms and 8 trials with literal sentences. In each trial, the subject was presented with a written sentence, which appeared on the screen for 2000 msec, followed by a pair of pictures for 2500 msec, one of which corresponded to the sentence. The alternative corresponded to the literal meaning for idioms and to a sentence differing in a detail in the case of literal sentences. The subject had to press a button corresponding to the picture matching the string. Reaction times increased following left temporal rTMS, whereas they were unaffected by right hemisphere rTMS, with no difference between idiomatic and literal sentences. Left temporal rTMS also reduced accuracy without differences between the two types of sentences. These data suggest that opaque idiom and literal sentence comprehension depends on the left temporal cortex.


Neuroreport ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 563-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela D. Friederici ◽  
Michiru Makuuchi ◽  
Jörg Bahlmann

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