State Feminism and Political Representation

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 537-538
Author(s):  
Lois Harder

State Feminism and Political Representation, Joni Lovenduski, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. xix, 315.Lovenduski's edited volume is an 11-country (10 western European countries and the US), analysis of the effects of women's policy agencies on efforts to increase the representation of women in the political process—in legislatures, on party lists and in public administration. The book is the product of a 10-year collaboration among scholars involved in the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and it exhibits the rich rewards that such a lengthy and involved affiliation among like-minded scholars can produce.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 170-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Squires

Author(s):  
Joni Lovenduski ◽  
Claudie Baudino ◽  
Marila Guadagnini ◽  
Petra Meier ◽  
Diane Sainsbury

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


Author(s):  
Dale Hudson

This chapter explores whiteness’s purported expansion through multiculturalism after Civil Rights and the Immigration Act of 1965. By yoking the inclusivity of multiculturalism and exclusivity of whiteness, multicultural whiteness sustains white privilege without acknowledging it, granting conditional or provisional inclusion to select nonwhite groups. It becomes a performative category (“white-identified-ness”) questioned in films like Blacula (1972), Ganja and Hess (1973), Martin (1976), Fright Night (1985), The Lost Boys (1987), Near Dark (1987), Interview with the Vampire (1994), and The Addiction (1995). Classical Hollywood whiteness is transformed by greater emphasis on so-called national values—individualism, consumerism, patriotism, secularism, and willful amnesia—that sustain foundational myths of a nation of immigrants, land of opportunity, and beacon of democracy. Within the proliferation of representations of a multicultural United States, films question limitations on political representation for anyone not identifying—or being identified—with whiteness, including so-called white trash.


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