political process
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PLoS ONE ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. e0261646
Author(s):  
Siddhartha Bandyopadhyay ◽  
Amit K. Chattopadhyay ◽  
Mandar Oak

We analyze conflict between a citizenry and an insurgent group over a fixed resource such as land. The citizenry has an elected leader who proposes a division such that, the lower the land ceded to the insurgents, the higher the cost of conflict. Leaders differ in ability and ideology such that the higher the leader’s ability, the lower the cost of conflict, and the more hawkish the leader, the higher his utility from retaining land. We show that the conflict arises from the political process with re-election motives causing leaders to choose to cede too little land to signal their ability. We also show that when the rents of office are high, the political equilibrium and the second best diverge; in particular, the policy under the political equilibrium is more hawkish compared to the second best. When both ideology and ability are unknown, we provide a plausible condition under which the probability of re-election increases in the leader’s hawkishness, thereby providing an explanation for why hawkish politicians may have a natural advantage under the electoral process.


Author(s):  
Rodrigo Mena ◽  
Dorothea Hilhorst

AbstractIn high-conflict scenarios, humanitarian needs often surpass resources, and humanitarians are faced with ongoing challenges of whom to prioritise and where to work. This process is often referred to as ‘targeting’, but this article uses the concept of ‘triage’ to emphasise how prioritisation is a continuous and political process, rather than a one-off exercise to find the best match between needs and programme objectives. This study focused on South Sudan, exploring the formal and informal dynamics at the national, regional and local levels of humanitarian decisions. The article is based on semi-structured interviews and multiple meetings and observations of programmes over four months of fieldwork in 2017. This fieldwork was beset by many of the problems that humanitarians also encounter in their work, including complicated access, logistics difficulties and security challenges. Humanitarian action is meant to be flexibly deployed to respond to priority needs resulting from conflict or disasters, and agencies have multiple tools and policies to facilitate this. However, in reality, we find humanitarian action largely locked into path-dependent areas of intervention because agencies must rely on logistics, trust and local partners, all of which take years to develop, and because local actors’ commitment to see programmes continued.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isnanto Bidja

The involvement of the community in the political process is very necessary to be considered as the existence of political apathy in the general election. The political process can be said to be democratic when the community is the main actor in making political decisions, so that democracy guarantees the participation of the community itself. Participatory election supervision is a joint way of how the community can participate in supervising both campaigns, calm periods and election day by transforming moral strength into strength. with the consequence of having knowledge and skills about electoral and monitoring techniques. The main problem in this research is how to implement participatory supervision in realizing democratic elections?. The results show that participatory supervision plays a strategic role in the formation of responsive and impartial electoral law, implementation of election law by supervisors at the field level and the formation of a community legal culture/culture that can support the creation of participatory supervision for the realization of democratic elections in 2024.


Nuclear Law ◽  
2022 ◽  
pp. 223-247
Author(s):  
Trevor Findlay

AbstractSafeguards have evolved as a result of new circumstances, institutions, technologies and practices, including cultural phenomena. This chapter examines safeguards from a historical perspective as the product of a political process that resulted in the negotiation of safeguards instruments. In particular, the chapter addresses the IAEA safeguards from the perspective that adaptation of the legal framework for safeguards is necessary and often difficult. Major change will only occur through a political process, not a legal one, involving Member States of the IAEA. The change will be facilitated through the IAEA Secretariat’s role in strengthening safeguards implementation using the power and responsibilities afforded to it; the advancement of technology and techniques as a vital element of this process; and the non-technological aspects of safeguards, particularly the human element.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1476-1493
Author(s):  
Stephane Bignoux

The aim of this chapter is to analyse young voter engagement in modern Western democracies. Why young voters? Young voters are disengaged from the political process. In order to complete the analysis, the author adapts an engagement model from social media marketing. The adapted model consists of three parts: consumption, contribution, and (co) creation of brand related materials. The author hypothesises that each aspect of the model is related to the other and that all three aspects of the model are positively related to loyalty to the political party brand. The aim of this conceptual adaptation is to investigate a new way to re-engage young voters with the political party brand, thereby strengthening one pillar of modern democracy.


2022 ◽  
pp. 148-162
Author(s):  
Shamiso Samantha Mutape ◽  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

The study aimed to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on peacekeeping operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The study relied on qualitative methodology while data was gathered through key informant interviews and documentary search. The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the humanitarian situation in the DRC. This has seen rising unemployment, political instability, and domestic violence being witnessed. The pandemic has fuelled geopolitical friction. Peacekeeping missions are necessitated by the need to facilitate and monitor the political process, protect civilians, assist in the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of former combatants and support the organization of elections, protect, and promote human security. If peacekeeping operations are disrupted, there will be chaos, abuse, and forced displacement of people among the region and internationally. It can be concluded that the pandemic has negatively affected peacekeeping operations in the DRC.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 507
Author(s):  
Syprianus Aristeus

The best way in an effort to manage investment is by transplanting, adopting laws, harmonization by making breakthroughs to existing regulations, such as in the case of implementing the Job Creation Law. The Omnibus Law offered by the government as a “practical and pragmatic” solution is a political and legal policy to cut various regulatory barriers, to simplify bureaucracy, to accelerate services, to increase efficiency, to increase competitiveness, and to prevent opportunities for corrupt behavior. The government must evaluate this law (Job Creation) where there is still overlap without regard to regulations. The statement of the problem in this scientific paper is why there is a conflict of interest and regulations that are not in accordance with the laws and regulations? As normative juridical research, this research is based on an analysis of legal norms. The Omnibus Law is a political product. In the process of its discussion, the law resulted from a political process. The government must evaluate this law (Job Creation) where in the process of making it there is still overlap without regard to regulations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 112-121
Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  

The paper examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political process in Italy in 2021. The author analyzes the change of government in February 2021 and the country’s economic recovery and resilience plan, as well as changes in the party-political landscape that occurred in the second year of the pandemic. The study showed that there is an increase in the factors of personalization of power and the strengthening of the executive branch and stagnation of the party landscape in the absence of a clear leader among political forces. The center-right and center-left coalitions are comparable in terms of citizens’ support, but at the same time the level of frustration is growing, reflecting the dissatisfaction of citizens with any of the parties. We can say that there is a certain feeling of the lack of alternative to the proposed development model and the absence of the very request for an alternative. Against this background, the ideas of sovranism so popular recently, it seems, no longer have any prospects.


2021 ◽  
Vol V (4) ◽  
pp. 44-56
Author(s):  
Evgeny Maslanov

The article is an attempt to answer the question on the political subjectivity of modern science. It is hardly possible to speak of the specific political subjectivity of science and scientists as a conscious participation in the struggle for power. First, the race for power itself is not a major purpose for them: scientists concentrate on studying the world and creating new technologies. Second, even if they participate in such a race, they are not different from other social groups which protect their interests in political process. Changing the point of view on the political subjectivity of science enables to see its specific position in the space of the political. During discipline power and biopower formation and governmentality development, science became a basic element of public administration and politics. It forms the ideas of the objects managed, possible ways of interaction with them and creates the space of the political and management decisions implemented. In this case, social sciences and humanities obtain special political subjectivity. This also applies in a specific way to natural science and technical sciences. New scientific theories and technological solutions become representatives of non-human actors in the human world. They result in changing our ideas on “Nature”, a “scene” for history and political actions. The emergence of new non-human actors can cause the technological revolution which can influence the ways of political action implementation and provide new opportunities to execute political projects. This is an important element of the political subjectivity of science.


Author(s):  
Vira Burdiak

The article analyzes the political process in the Republic of Bulgaria and a number of elections to the National Assembly,which in 2021 were already in April, July and announced for November.The factors, which influenced the need to hold parliamentary elections three times in a row.This shows, that the state is going through a difficult period of instability and turbulence.Building a democratic state governed by the rule of law in Bulgaria,despite its membership in the EU, it is still in its infancy. The author emphasizes that the state is growing alienated from democratic political processes and despair of their effectiveness.This requires legal regulation of the following issues:ensuring universal suffrage;the possibility of campaigning and outreach among voters on others,in addition to the state (Bulgarian) languages,after all, large minorities live in Bulgaria (Turkish, Roma, etc.);improving the financing of election campaigning and the mechanism for appealing the results of parliamentary electionsbased on the transition from indirect to direct appeal by election participants to the NZB of their results. Solving the main problem of Bulgaria – reducing corruption,in fact, it did not happen.Positive success in the fight against corruption can be achieved with the support of the population,his belief that the state will be able to defeat corruption,clear enforcement of anti-corruption measures in various government agencies and institutions.The growth of political consciousness of citizens,which is expressed in a broad protest movement,in the medium term may become the internal basis for the formation of real,rather than a formal electoral system organized according to European standards.


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