Naval Power and Trade in the Mediterranean, A.D. 500–1100. By Archibald R. Lewis. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1951. Pp. xii, 271. $4.00.

1952 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-66
Author(s):  
Frederic C. Lane
2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 644-645
Author(s):  
ROBERT FINLAY

In 1669, after twenty-four years of devastating war, Venice surrendered the island of Crete to the Ottoman Turks. As a Venetian commander described it, Crete was “the most beautiful crown to adorn the head of the Most Serene Republic” (p. 4). It was a grievous loss for Venice, which did not resign itself to the loss of its beautiful crown for another fifty years, until the end of the last Ottoman–Venetian war in 1718. The period of early Ottoman rule between 1669 and 1718 is the subject of Molly Greene's excellent study. Her emphasis throughout is on multiple identities, mixed narratives, hybrid solutions, cross-cutting allegiances, and historical continuity. Along with historians such as Leslie Pierce and Jane Hathaway, she rejects the model of Ottoman decline, styling it a “meat-grinder” (p. 20) of a thesis that focuses on a weak sultanate and ignores both the complexity and vitality of Ottoman imperial governance. She also rejects the notion that the transition from Venetian to Ottoman control in Crete marked a sharp dividing line, an event that helped wring the ambiguity out of the Mediterranean world (p. 5).


1962 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. A. Simpson

One of the difficult and important decisions which confronted Napoleon during his last days in Paris concerned the use of his fleet. Strategically there was overwhelming argument for its immediate and energetic employment. On land, Austria was starting the war with large advantages; in numbers, in preparation, in position, in geographical facilities of every kind. But on sea, she was nowhere. Never a formidable naval power, her small fleet was at the moment in a condition of more than ordinary decrepitude. That of France, on the contrary, had recently been raised by the Emperor to a size and efficiency which had attracted the uneasy attention of the British admiralty. Obviously, therefore, if Italy were indeed to be freed to the Adriatic, it was of the first importance that France should assert and use to the full her maritime superiority in the Adriatic. Only so could the famous Quadrilateral be taken in the rear, and Austria made conscious of her one geographical disadvantage: the inadequacy of her railway communications with her front. The Emperor had accordingly given detailed instructions for the sending of such a fleet, prepared to effect a landing at Venice. But now at the last moment the threatening attitude of England caused him to countermand them. For the Derby government not only dispatched a formidable fleet itself to the Mediterranean, but proceeded to advance an urgent request for the neutralization of the Adriatic. ‘Before the Emperor leaves Paris,’ wrote Malmesbury to Cowley on 2 May, ‘make a great effort to keep us out of the war by obtaining his consent to neutralise the Adriatic.’


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