scholarly journals All the rage: decolonizing the history of the British women's suffrage movement

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-545
Author(s):  
Vron Ware
Keyword(s):  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

scholarly journals Public Histories of Australian and British Women's Suffrage: Some Comparative Issues

2007 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilda Kean
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Public ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

In this article I consider the ways in which activists in the British suffrage movement became the public historians of their own pasts. I analyse the different forms in which the history of suffrage feminism was created and the ways in which it both drew upon former traditions of the labour movement and conventions of public memorialisation. I consider the ways in which the Australian suffrage campaign has been memorialised and differences between this and the British position. I raise a number of questions about ways in which public historians might explore the creation of collective histories and the role of individuals within that process arising from this initial comparative analysis.

scholarly journals Manuel L. Quezon and the Filipino women’s suffrage movement of 1937

Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha
Keyword(s):  
Print Media ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
The Real ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Patronage Politics ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines

Innovation by Political Outsiders

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Epstein
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
Wall Street ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Communication Goals ◽  
Print Era ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

This chapter explores communication innovations made by American social movements over time. These movements share political communication goals and outsider status, which helps to connect innovation decisions across movements and across time. The chapter primarily explores two long-lasting movements. First is the women’s suffrage movement, which lasted over seventy years of the print era from the mid-nineteenth century until the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. Next is the long-lasting fight against racial discrimination, which led to the modern civil rights movement starting in the print era, but coming of age along with television during the 1950s and 1960s. Both the women’s suffrage movement and civil rights movement utilized innovative tactics with similarly mild results until mainstream coverage improved. Finally, these historical movements are compared with movements emerging during the internet era, including the early Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and the Resist movement.

The Cold, Dark River

2021 ◽  
pp. 304-332
Author(s):  
Christopher Grasso
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Sexual Problems ◽  
Women's Suffrage ◽  
School Building ◽  
Large School ◽  
Suffrage Movement ◽  
Women’S Suffrage

After serving in Congress, Kelso resolved to open his own academy in Springfield. He supported the women’s suffrage movement in town. But he had borrowed heavily to build a large school building, and when few students enrolled, he was financially ruined. He ran for Congress again in 1868, but in a bitter campaign focused on monetary policy and filled with dirty tricks, he floundered and was badly beaten by his old nemesis, Pony Boyd. All of this only added to the strain of his marriage, already plagued by sexual problems and mutual jealousies. Kelso’s great tragedy, however, was not financial, political, or marital. In early September, 1870, his five-year-old son died suddenly from tetanus after stepping on a rusty rake. Only two weeks later, his fourteen-year-old son committed suicide. Kelso was shattered. The following year, his marriage in ruins, he took his eldest daughter Florella and headed west.

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