Patronage, Politics, and Devotion: The Habsburgs of Central Europe and Jesuit Saints

The main components of the Habsburgs’ dynastical piety—worship of the Crucified, of the Eucharist, of the Blessed Mary and her spouse St. Joseph—are already well-known. They were common to both branches of the House of Austria, the Spanish as well as the Austrian one. However, they are far from exhausting the variety of manifestations with which they fostered the cult of the saints. More than other sovereigns, Austrian Habsburgs intervened on behalf of patron saints with the popes and the Roman Congregation of Sacred Rites. During the seventeenth century and still in the eighteenth century, they promulgated public feasts in the Austrian hereditary lands as well as in the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia. This paper focuses mainly on the veneration they addressed to the Jesuit saints: Ignatius of Loyola, Francis Xavier, Luigi Gonzaga, Stanisław Kostka, and Peter Canisius using archive and printed materials from Rome, Vienna, Prague, and Budapest.

Clientelism and development: Vote-buying meets patronage

Offering employment in the public sector in exchange for electoral support (patronage politics) and vote-buying are clientelistic practices frequently used by political machines. In the literature, these practices are typically studied in isolation. In this paper, we study how the interaction between these two practices (as opposed to having just one tool) affects economic development. We present a theoretical model of political competition, where, before the election, the incumbent chooses the level of state investment that can improve productivity in the private sector. This decision affects the income levels of employees in the private sector, and, thereby, the costs and effectiveness of vote-buying and patronage. We show that when the politician can use both clientelistic instruments simultaneously, his opportunity cost for clientelism in terms of foregone future taxes declines. As a result, the equilibrium amount of public investment is typically lower when both tools are available than otherwise.

Bypassing the Patronage Trap: Evidence from Delhi Assembly Election 2020

Scholars have long theorized on the limits of patronage politics and the possibility of counter-mobilization it produces against clientelist strategies. Analysing the recent win of the Aam Aadmi Party in the 2020 Assembly election in Delhi, this article shows that programmatic policies of welfare can help parties to circumvent this trap and avoid targeted patronage networks. We find that this broad-based appeal increases the social base of the party to even include those segments of voters who remain aloof to patronage-based exchanges. Additionally, we test the salience of majoritarian issues in the presence of universal welfare. We find that by locating themselves on issue positions of relative advantage, and reducing the ideological distance with their chief competitor, a policy-focussed party may capture not just ideology-agnostic, but also peripheral voters who might be opposed to the other challenger. Using a logistic regression model, we find that policy concerns catapulted AAP to victory, while its ideological distance from the BJP added to this. Our analysis has significance for understanding the underlying changes to patronage-based linkages, especially in the presence of heightened ethnic appeals that increasingly characterizes electoral contexts in the country.

Individuals and Institutions

Chapter 1 provides a theoretical framework for understanding African women’s experiences within the broader scholarship on women in politics. The chapter discusses, in three stages, the choices African women must make as they aspire to candidacy, campaign in elections, and govern in office. For each stage, the authors review central theories in the literature on women’s representation and discuss how related hypotheses are upheld or contradicted by emerging evidence from African countries. These overviews highlight common empirical findings as well as specific contradictions across the eight countries examined in the book—Benin, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Uganda, and Zambia. The chapter also provides a concise description of each empirical chapter’s core findings with an emphasis on how individual attributes (e.g., professional background, financial autonomy, organizational ties) and institutional structures (e.g., political parties, electoral systems, media organizations, patronage politics) interact to impinge on African women’s political trajectories.

Manuel L. Quezon and the Filipino women’s suffrage movement of 1937

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines

Elite Predatory Practices in the Budgeting Process of Local Development in Indonesia

This article analyses the pattern of relationships between local businessmen-politicians in parliament and the executive elite in budgeting for local infrastructure development. By using the theory of patronage, cronyism, and predatory state as a framework analysis, this paper provides a theoretical contribution that sees the three theories are complementary to each other. The predatory practices in Indonesia often work in the context of political patronage and cronyism. In this study, the businessmen-politicians in parliament and executive elites of local government placed as local-state actors relate to each other in the informal networks for the practices of a predatory state. My findings showed that the domination of the businessmen-politicians in local parliament has created a networks of patronage politics and cronyism with the executive elite. This is evidenced by some of the findings. First, the businessmen-politicians and the executive elites collaborated to hijack the budgeting process. Second, there has been a monopoly of tenders of local infrastructure development projects by the businessman-politicians in the local parliament. Third, the services were exchanged between the businessmen-politicians with the executive elite who are in a relationship of patronage and cronyism are public goods.

Refugees And Patronage: A Political History Of Uganda’s ‘Progressive’ Refugee Policies

Uganda’s self-reliance policy for refugees has been recognized as among the most progressive refugee policies in the world. In contrast to many refugee-hosting countries, it allows refugees the right to work and freedom of movement. It has been widely praised as a model for other countries to emulate. However, there has been little research on the politics that underlie Uganda’s approach. Why has Uganda maintained these policies despite hosting more refugees than any country in Africa? Based on archival research and elite interviews, this article provides a political history of Uganda’s self-reliance policies from independence to the present. It unveils significant continuity in both the policies and the underlying politics. Refugee policy has been used by Ugandan leaders to strengthen patronage and assert political authority within strategically important refugee-hosting hinterlands. International donors have abetted domestic illiberalism in order to sustain a liberal internationalist success story. The politics of patronage and refugee policy have worked hand-in-hand. Patronage has, in the Ugandan case, been integral to the functioning of the international refugee system. Rather than being an inevitably ‘African’ phenomenon or the unavoidable legacy of colonialism, patronage politics has been enabled by, and essential to, liberal internationalism.

PATRONAGE INSTALLATION IN FOREST AND LAND FIRE IN RIAU PROVINCE (STUDY ON LAW ENFORCEMENT WITH CORPORATE ACTORS)

This study intends to uncover, analyze and evaluate law enforcement practices against criminal acts of forest and land fires with corporate actors in the Riau Police. Riau was chosen as the research location because the phenomenon of forest and land fires in Riau was so complex. The impact caused by forest and land fires in Riau is not only a domestic problem, but also concerns regional areas, especially Singapore and Malaysia. The research is focused not on law enforcement of forest and land fires, but rather on the relationship of patronage and policing in handling forest and land fires in Riau Province. Patronage politics between the police and corporations from the plantation and industrial plantation sectors. In this context, dialectics (habitus, arena, capital) and patronage networks will be deepened, which then influence policing actions in law enforcement carried out by the police.