scholarly journals ‘Where the F… is Vuotso?’: heritage of Second World War forced movement and destruction in a Sámi reindeer herding community in Finnish Lapland

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oula Seitsonen ◽  
Eerika Koskinen-Koivisto
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Panu Itkonen

Abstract This article explores changing work patterns in the Skolt Sámi reindeer herding community of Sevettijärvi, northern Finland. As a result of the Second World War, Finland lost the original home territory of the Skolt Sámi to the Soviet Union. The Skolt Sámi of the old Suenjel village moved to the Sevettijärvi area in Finland. In this article I present major changes in three areas of this group’s work patterns: 1) combinations of livelihood; 2) forms of cooperation and reciprocity; 3) social constructions of work situations. The main causes of cultural change in the rein-deer herding community have been the mechanisation of reindeer herding and the centralisation of reindeer ownership. In anthropological studies, traditional forms of behaviour have at times been seen as obstacles to economic development. My argument is different: traditional forms of culture – in this case forms of reciprocity – can increase possibilities for economic development. The research data shows that the centralisation of reindeer ownership has decreased the possibilities for economic development in additional forms of livelihood among Skolt Sámi reindeer herders. The number of herders has decreased and the entrepreneurial collaboration is arranged so that there is less and less traditional reciprocity between separate households.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 28-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eerika Koskinen-Koivisto ◽  
Suzie Thomas

The events of the Second World War left considerable material remains in Finnish Lapland, ranging from the remnants of structures that were destroyed in the 1944–45 Lapland War, through to small, portable objects connected to soldiers, prisoners of war and civilians. These material remains have variously been saved and cherished by survivors and their families, disregarded as ‘war junk’, ‘discovered’ by hobbyists exploring the landscape, amassed and exchanged by private collectors, and accessioned into official museum collections. These various processes represent transformations of material culture to take on various meanings and embodiments, depending on the different individuals and organizations involved. In this article we present and analyse data collected through ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Lapland village of Vuotso: primarily interviews and observations. We have conducted interviews with history hobbyists and museum professionals who engage with the WWII history of Lapland, and observed the treatment of ‘war material culture’, for example through exhibitions (both public and hidden) and through personal meaning-making practices. These encounters have centred around the material remains of the Second World War, and the ways in which different actors perceive, value and otherwise understand those remains. While some objects are transformed through musealisation, others remain ‘officially’ unknown and unrecognized (although known – even traded and exchanged – through private channels). Furthermore it may be as important for some actors to leave material culture in situ – for example as testimony to the past conflict or trauma – as it is for others to exercise personal ownership. Within this context, we deconstruct the notion of ‘expert’ as it relates to the local and historical knowledge. Being regarded by peers and others as an expert is not necessarily the same thing as having professional authority and status, for example as a museum curator or university-affiliated scholar. We draw upon theories of relational materiality, and suggest different typologies of engagement with the material culture. Different networks of interest and expertise emerge, dependent on the actors involved (including their status – e.g. museum professional, survivor, ‘incomer’, local activist – and how their knowledge is thus accepted, challenged or rejected by others), the context of ownership, situationality and perceived levels of authenticity.


Rangifer ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjørg Evjen

The Sami husbandry has traditionally incorporated reindeer, which did not belong to the nomadic household. According to the national census from 1875, this system was found in many parts of Norway. Among the counties, Nordland stood out having the highest number of households owing custodial reindeer. Most of the households were non-Sami, and most of them having less than ten reindeer. Especially in Nordland and Troms, a system with custodial goats also served as the transaction. There were eventually, with an exception of Finnmark, rules in place trying to prevent settled people from keeping reindeer, only followed in part. The system went on till after the Second World War, mainly because it was an important part of the household economy of the settled people. The great changes and rationalization within the agricultural sector, the growth of industrial society, and the modernisation of society in general undermined the use of reindeer as a part of the household livestock. Abstract in Norwegian / Sammendrag: Sytingsrein og sytingsgeiter, del av det samme husdyrholdet Systemet med sytingsrein har trolig foregått så lenge det har eksistert reindrift, det vil si at en del av reinflokken har bestått av dyr som tilhørte de bofaste, men som ble passet på av reindriftssamer. Kilder viser at systemet fantes over hele Norge der det ble drevet reindrift, men i størst utstrekning i Troms og Nordland. Sytingsgeiter kunne være en gjenytelse der reindriftssamenes geiter ble passet av de bofaste gjennom vinteren. Fra myndighetenes side ble det fra ca. 1900, med unntak av for Finnmarks del, satt inn restriksjoner for å begrense sytingsreinholdet. Det ble ikke uten videre fulgt, da systemet hadde stor betydning for både nomader og de bosatte. Moderniseringen av samfunnet etter andre verdenskrig førte imidlertid til at dette utbyttet mistet sin betydning, og sytingsreininstitusjonen ble tilsynelatende borte, men er nå delvis lovlig igjen fra 2007.


Author(s):  
Corinna Peniston-Bird ◽  
Emma Vickers

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