Citizenship, work, and labor policy preferences

Author(s):  
Gregory Lyon
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Reifen Tagar ◽  
G. Scott Morgan ◽  
Linda J. Skitka ◽  
Eran Halperin

1979 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Kazuo Sato
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Eduardo Martinez ◽  
Lauren Feldman ◽  
Mallory Feldman ◽  
Mina Cikara

Scholars from across the social and media sciences have issued a clarion call to address a recent resurgence in criminalized characterizations of immigrants. Do these characterizations meaningfully impact individuals’ beliefs about immigrants and immigration? Across two online convenience samples (N = 1,054 adult U.S. residents), we applied a novel analytic technique to test how different narratives—criminal, achievement, struggle-oriented—impact cognitive representations of German, Russian, Syrian, and Mexican immigrants and the concept of “immigrants” in general. All stories featured male targets. Achievement stories homogenized individual immigrant representations whereas both criminal and struggle-oriented stories racialized them along a white/non-white axis: Germany clustered with Russia, Syria with Mexico. However, criminal stories were unique in making our most egalitarian participants’ representations as differentiated as our least egalitarian participants’. Narratives about individual immigrants also generalized to update representations of nationality groups. Most important, narrative-induced representations correlated with immigration policy preferences: achievement narratives and corresponding homogenized representations promoted preferences for less restriction, criminal narratives for more.


Author(s):  
Isabela Mares ◽  
Lauren E. Young

In many recent democracies, candidates compete for office using illegal strategies to influence voters. In Hungary and Romania, local actors including mayors and bureaucrats offer access to social policy benefits to voters who offer to support their preferred candidates, and they threaten others with the loss of a range of policy and private benefits for voting the “wrong” way. These quid pro quo exchanges are often called clientelism. How can politicians and their accomplices get away with such illegal campaigning in otherwise democratic, competitive elections? When do they rely on the worst forms of clientelism that involve threatening voters and manipulating public benefits? This book uses a mixed method approach to understand how illegal forms of campaigning including vote buying and electoral coercion persist in two democratic countries in the European Union. It argues that clientelistic strategies must be disaggregated based on whether they use public or private resources, and whether they involve positive promises or negative threats and coercion. The authors document that the type of clientelistic strategies that candidates and brokers use varies systematically across localities based on their underlying social coalitions, and also show that voters assess and sanction different forms of clientelism in different ways. Voters glean information about politicians’ personal characteristics and their policy preferences from the clientelistic strategies these candidates deploy. Most voters judge candidates who use clientelism harshly. So how does clientelism, including its most odious coercive forms, persist in democratic systems? This book suggests that politicians can get away with clientelism by using forms of it that are in line with the policy preferences of constituencies whose votes they need. Clientelistic and programmatic strategies are not as distinct as previous studies have argued.


1941 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 782-783
Author(s):  
Norman J. Ware
Keyword(s):  

1995 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 448-481 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. S. Mac Macpherson ◽  
Margaret Taplin

In this paper, we examine the policy preferences of Tasmania's principals concerning accountability criteria and processes, compare their views to other stakeholder groups, and identify issues that warrant attention in principals’ professional development programs. We show that there are many criteria and processes related to the quality of learning, teaching, and leadership that are valued by all stakeholder groups, including principals. We conclude that Tasmanian state schools probably need to review and develop their accountability policies, and that the professional development will need to prepare leaders for specific forms of performance and generate key competencies if more educative forms of accountability practices are to be realised in practice.


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