Domestic Violence
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2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Kimberly Kay Wiley

Abstract As politics becomes increasingly polarized, the value of collective political action becomes more visible and overt. Nonprofit organizations act collectively in pursuit of their policy goals in nearly all aspects of public policy. Understanding how nonprofits borne of social movements engage politically expands our insight into advocacy coalition behavior following seemingly effective social movements. The coalition’s leveraging of political resources provides us this insight. This study assesses the policy activities produced or maintained within a U.S. national domestic violence advocacy coalition over its lifetime to determine how and when resources were leveraged. A directed content analysis is conducted on historical data to capture the evolution of coalition activities over a 41-year period. The coalition’s emphasis on policy change waned over time as it achieved its policy goals. The coalition then leaned on its largest resources, mobilizable troops, and information to increasingly emphasize policy implementation and evaluation. These findings indicate that when in the policy process coalitions leverage their political resources may be more important than how coalitions leverage resources. Framing nonprofit political activity across the stages of the policy process can open doors to better use of scarce political resources.

2021 ◽  
Sabina M. Perrino

2021 ◽  
pp. 107780122110342
Crystal J. Giesbrecht

An online survey was completed by victims/survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV), living in both urban and rural areas, who owned pets and/or livestock. The majority of the sample had not received services from domestic violence shelters and services. Quantitative and qualitative data regarding barriers to accessing support and escaping IPV are presented for both pet and livestock owners. Using validated measures of IPV and animal abuse, differences in experiences of IPV are described for victims who had experienced their partners mistreat their animals and those who had not. Recommendations are offered for training, legislation, and pet-friendly domestic violence shelters and rental housing.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 77
Md. Murad Hossain ◽  
Md. Asadullah ◽  
Abidur Rahaman ◽  
Md. Sipon Miah ◽  
M. Zahid Hasan ◽  

The COVID-19 outbreak resulted in preventative measures and restrictions for Bangladesh during the summer of 2020—these unstable and stressful times led to multiple social problems (e.g., domestic violence and divorce). Globally, researchers, policymakers, governments, and civil societies have been concerned about the increase in domestic violence against women and children during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. In Bangladesh, domestic violence against women and children has increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. In this article, we investigated family violence among 511 families during the COVID-19 outbreak. Participants were given questionnaires to answer, for a period of over ten days; we predicted family violence using a machine learning-based model. To predict domestic violence from our data set, we applied random forest, logistic regression, and Naive Bayes machine learning algorithms to our model. We employed an oversampling strategy named the Synthetic Minority Oversampling Technique (SMOTE) and the chi-squared statistical test to, respectively, solve the imbalance problem and discover the feature importance of our data set. The performances of the machine learning algorithms were evaluated based on accuracy, precision, recall, and F-score criteria. Finally, the receiver operating characteristic (ROC) and confusion matrices were developed and analyzed for three algorithms. On average, our model, with the random forest, logistic regression, and Naive Bayes algorithms, predicted family violence with 77%, 69%, and 62% accuracy for our data set. The findings of this study indicate that domestic violence has increased and is highly related to two features: family income level during the COVID-19 pandemic and education level of the family members.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 122
Listiyanti Jaya Arum ◽  
Anindya Firda Khairunnisa

Homelessness is a chronic problem worldwide, including in the United States. The country’s biggest homeless population occupies major cities like New York and Los Angeles. The fight against homelessness in L.A. has been going on for years, with the homeless population flooding places like Venice Beach, Echo Park, Hollywood, and its most famous homeless encampment, Skid Row. One of the groups constantly vulnerable to the threat of homelessness are women, and the intersection between women's homelessness and domestic violence remains to be a challenging subject. Enriching previous scholarship, this paper critically analyzes housing programs targeting female domestic violence survivors in Los Angeles. In order to get an in-depth examination, the focus is directed to the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) Housing Policy managed by the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA). The paper employs gender theory to examine the program’s shortcomings. Using Jeff Hearn’s conception of the ‘public men,’ this paper proposes that the program’s limitations stem from the prevailing patriarchy, which cultivates from home and extends to public policy through the domination of men. Furthermore, the policy is insufficient in combatting women's homelessness due to the absence of programs such as trauma centers, financial security & education program, and childcare unit that are vital to address the unique experience of domestic violence survivors. Thus, evaluation of the housing policy is immediately needed to overcome the problem of homelessness due to domestic violence.

Sidharth Muralidharan ◽  
Sanjukta Pookulangara

2021 ◽  
pp. 026377582110498
John Clayton ◽  
Catherine Donovan ◽  
Stephen J Macdonald

This paper utilises the concept of ‘hate relationships’ in conversation with the literature on geographies of encounter to explore experiences of racism for those entrapped by racist encounters with those who are familiar. In so doing, we attend to the uneven and harmful risks involved in some forms of everyday urban encounter. We draw upon case notes collated by a hate advocacy service in North East England, UK, to illustrate the cumulative damaging force of enduring hate relationships. By drawing parallels with work on domestic violence, we suggest hate relationships evident in our data exhibit distinct temporalities of routinisation, whereby harmful ‘low level’ violence, often under the radar of the criminal justice system, gains force through repeated neighbourhood-based encounters. In so doing, we also highlight both the situated and relational spatialities at work; localised encounters marked by familiarity, racialised territoriality and experiences of fear and immobility, but also relations of entrenched disadvantage and institutional failures that sustain harm. Concerted acts of resistance look to confront and/or escape these relationships, but as forms of resolution, where additional burdens are placed on victim/survivors, these are constrained by the same violent conditions through which such relationships are allowed to take shape.

2021 ◽  
pp. 152483802110484
Lorena Molnar

Except for the knowledge that the Roma people endure harsh conditions and are victims of discrimination, scarce criminological research has given detailed attention to further victimisation or offending among the Romanies. Identifying articles in the browsers Web of Science, Google Scholar and Google, we reviewed European publications (1997–2020) in English, French, Romanian or Spanish that addressed the Roma’s victimisation or offending. The 44 studies that matched our criteria suggested that (1) Roma people are victims of hate crimes with devastating consequences; (2) Roma children and women are victims of domestic violence to a greater degree than other groups, although the Roma tend to oppose violence against women; (3) forced early marriages exist among some Romanies and may cause serious problems in adulthood; (4) youth delinquency among the Roma does not differ from that of the non-Roma, although Roma adolescents face more deprivation; (5) Roma men and women are overrepresented in prison and face many difficulties in re-entering society once they are released and (6) there are organised criminal activities in some Roma groups that are supported by their community. Further rigorous post-positivist research, particularly quantitative, is needed to generalise the findings and replicate former studies. Areas of special interest are the causes of anti-Roma discrimination other than ethnicity, the victimisation of children, the Roma’s lack of institutional trust and the relation between victimisation and offending. Conducting comparisons with the general population is essential, and we propose that victims’ surveys and self-reported delinquency studies include questions on ethnicity.

Hue San Kuay ◽  
Lynda G. Boothroyd ◽  
Graham J. Towl ◽  
Paul A. Tiffin ◽  
Luna C. Muñoz

This study examined the relations between callous-unemotional traits and perpetration of aggression toward parents in two separate studies, while also considering motivation for aggression and parenting styles experienced among young people. Study 1 involved 60 parents of children aged between 11 and 17 years old. The online study found high callous-unemotional traits, as reported by parents, to be associated with aggression toward both parents. Both types of motivation (proactive and reactive, as reported by parents) were associated with aggression toward parents. Study 2 involved 42 youths from an alternative education sample (between 11 and 16 years old). Youths with higher self-reported callous-unemotional traits reported more aggression toward both parents. Both studies, which had different reporters and different samples, showed youths with higher callous-unemotional traits were more aggressive toward their parents. In discussing the results, we note the importance of including callous-unemotional traits in future research on parent-directed aggression and in studies on domestic violence more broadly.

Aleksey Drozd ◽  
Aleksandr Ravnyushkin

The relevance of the research is determined by a legal gap in the current legislation, which lies in the fact that when bringing a person who has committed a crime under Article 116.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation repeatedly in relation to the same person to responsibility, the state of the criminal record of this criminal is not taken into account. In this case, a person who has unexpunged or outstanding convictions, when committing battery for the third time, according to common sense, should be brought to criminal responsibility, and not to administrative responsibility, as is currently the case. In order to eliminate this conflict, the authors propose to include part 2 of Art. 1161 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, which provides for the liability of a person who has an unexpunged or outstanding conviction in relation to the same person. At the same time, the authors consider it necessary to include a group of criminal cases considered as cases of public prosecution to part 2 of Art. 1161 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. The authors also see an urgent problem of the need to improve the effectiveness of the prevention of domestic violence through the inclusion of new legal means in legislation and law enforcement practice. Attempts to implement the norms of international acts providing for legal means of preventing domestic violence in the Russian Federation, as well as the study of foreign experience on this issue, according to the authors, looks ambiguous and is debatable. In particular, the issue of introducing protective orders and orders as administrative and legal means of preventing administrative offenses through the adoption of the federal law «On the Prevention of Domestic Violence in the Russian Federation» is being considered. According to the authors, taking into account the foreign practice, there are sufficient grounds to believe that protective prescriptions and some other means will not be able to confirm their effectiveness in Russia.

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