Review: Wealth in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Qumran Community

2004 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 348-351
Author(s):  
T. Elgvin
1957 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-71
Author(s):  
L. E. Toombs

The vigorous discussion to which the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls has given rise has usually proceeded on the assumption that documents such as the Manual of Discipline and the War Scroll represent specific nd distinctive teachings of the Qumrân Community. If this is so, we are in possession of an important witness to the life and thought of one relatively small segment of first-century Judaism. But is the horizon of the scrolls necessarily so limited? There are at least two alternatives. (a) Assuming that the Qumrân Community were Essenes, Essenism may still be regarded, even after Qumrân, as a widespread phenomenon with many varied modes of expression, of which the Community at Qumrân was but one. Its library then lets us look at an Essenism which did not come into existence when the buildings at Qumrân were erected, nor perish with their destruction. (b) Even though the documents themselves are sectarian and Essene, many of the ideas contained in them may well have been the objects of common belief outside the sect and outside the wider areas of Essenism. If the type of thought which the Dead Sea Scrolls represent was widely diffused among the general population, we have in these parchments an entry, not into the mind of a small company of recluses alone, but into an important phase of religious thought in the Judaism of the Graeco-Roman period. Should this prove to be true, we shall be able with more confidence to get behind the transforming effect of two unsuccessful revolts against Roman rule, and to see more clearly the true features of popular religion before the wars.


2020 ◽  
pp. 164-174
Author(s):  
John A. Jillions

The sources presented here reflect voices from various creative strands of Jewish community life between 700 BCE and 135 CE. All of them in varying ways approach divine guidance through communal rereading, reinterpretation, and expansion of scripture. The Qumran community (which produced the Dead Sea Scrolls) took a hierarchical view of guidance, placing discernment largely in the hands of the elders. Pseudepigrapha and expansions of scripture, like the Prayer of Manasseh, used the name of a biblical figure to expand on what the biblical text itself may have mentioned only in passing. Jubilees elaborates on Abram’s crucial but brief encounter with God in Genesis 12 and depicts it as a response to Abram’s request for divine guidance. The Sibylline Oracles (as distinct from the Roman Sibylline Books) attribute Jewish oracles to the pagan Sibyl. 3 Maccabees weaves together human initiative with divine guidance to the Jewish community in Alexandria.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 12-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Jassen

AbstractThis article analyzes two interconnected narratives of violence in the Dead Sea Scrolls by drawing upon some recent treatments of religious violence employing social-scientific approaches—in particular, the "scarce resources" theory—and more general sociological approaches to sectarianism. The first narrative of violence revolves around the origins of the community's violent worldview as embodied in its debates with its opponents. Early sectarian literature represents sectarian debates and polemics in terms of an exclusive understanding of the meaning of Scripture, the application of ritual and cultic law, and the identity of God's elect. These aspects become focal points of ideological debate as the community attempted to convince the "outsiders" of the correctness of the sectarian way. By tracing the development of these debates in sectarian literature, however, I reveal how they are transformed from innocuous elements of disagreement into focal points for the emergence of violence as a central preoccupation of the Qumran community. The "scarce resources" theory explains why these specific points of disagreement become infused with violence. The second narrative of violence involves the continued appearance of these debates within the community's eschatological literature as a rhetorical device to legitimize its violent expectations. Unlike related groups in Second Temple Judaism (e.g., the Zealots), for the Qumran community, violence outside of the framework of the eschatological battle is not legitimized and presumably did not exist. By delaying all punishment until the eschaton, the community simultaneously defused its own violent worldview. The simultaneous infusion and defusion of violence is explained in the context of the sectarian structure of the community.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew P. Van Zile

This article addresses the early formation of the rabbinic Noahide laws in light of Paul’s “sons of Abraham” motif and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Close examination reveals that Paul’s epistles, Acts of the Apostles, and rabbinic Noahide law represent one side of a debate among Jews about the eschatological fate of the nations. This development was in contrast to the homogenizing paradigms of Hellenistic Judaism and the anti-gentile apocalypticism of the Qumran community. The similarities between Paul’s “sons of Abraham” and the rabbinic “sons of Noah” suggest that both traditions originated from the same school of thought and may indicate a proto-rabbinic source from which Paul and the rabbis derived these requirements.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Straus

Abstract This paper examines texts in 4Q266.6.ii in the Dead Sea Scrolls that regulated impurities attributed to parturient women living among the Covenanters. It contrasts how the regulations of 4Q266 differed from those in Leviticus 12. The thesis of the paper is that the Covenanters regarded new mothers as impure, but excluded and protected newborns from the impurities of their mothers. In particular, the paper will examine the possibility that a lactating mother was required to hire a wet-nurse to feed her infant during the first seven days of life if the baby were male or fourteen days of life if the baby were female, lest the mother’s impurity from childbirth render the infant impure. Once the 7-14 days of impurity passed, new mothers were no longer impure to the touch and could therefore resume care for their infants. They were however still impure with regard to the sancta, or holy things, including the sanctuary. This paper will use texts outside of the Qumran community to interpret possible explanations for the Covenanters’ understanding of the impurity of parturient women and the purity of their newborns. These texts will include: Mishnah, Talmud, Soranus’ Gynecology, Galen’s Method of Medicine, Tertullian’s De Carne Christi, Protevangelium Jacobi, and Cyrene Cathartic Law.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Collins

AbstractThe Dead Sea Scrolls refer to different kinds of communities. The Damascus Document speaks of people who live “in camps” throughout the land, and marry and have children. The Rule of the Community, in contrast, does not speak of women or children at all. It does, however, speak of small communities with a quorum of ten, as part of the yahad. The Rule of the Community also speaks enigmatically of twelve men and three priests, who are supposed to go into the wilderness to prepare the way of the Lord. It is possible but not certain that these were the founders of the Qumran settlement. Qumran was surely a sectarian settlement in Roman times. It is possible, but not proven, that it was a Hasmonean fort before the Romans came. It was never more than one of many sectarian settlements. The yahad should not be equated with “the Qumran community.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document