Anti-Imperialist

Leonard Woolf ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 109-132
Author(s):  
Fred Leventhal ◽  
Peter Stansky
Keyword(s):  
Advisory Committee ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Native Culture ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

During his years as a colonial servant Leonard was an efficient and conscientious administrator, but he gradually became disenchanted with imperialism, with its paternalism and arrogance. When he came to analyse imperialism in three books after the First World War, he was prepared to disavow it as immoral, injurious to native culture, and economically oppressive. He advocated the introduction of self-government at a pace that conformed to colonial realities. In Empire and Commerce in Africa, based on massive research, he underscored how European control exploited African natives without enriching the imperial powers. His proposals included reserving African land for the natives, education with a view to training for eventual self-government, and the ultimate expropriation of European capitalists. As secretary to the Advisory Committee on Imperial Questions, Woolf prodded Labour Party leaders to advocate immediate independence for India, Ceylon, and Burma.

VIII. The National Democratic Party and the British Workers' League

1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Douglas
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
General Election ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The National Democratic Party (NDP) provides the most spectacular example of a ‘ mushroom ’ party in twentieth century British politics. It first fielded candidates in the 1918 general election, and ten of them were returned to parliament. Those of its M.P.s who defended their seats in 1922 all stood under different auspices; they were all defeated, and none of them was ever again elected. Yet in its short career the NDP and its predecessors underwent some very considerable changes in structure and purpose. Their origin must be sought in the widely different, and often confused, attitudes to the First World War which existed in the Labour party and the various Socialist groups.

scholarly journals Radicalism in the Margins: The Politics of Reading Wilfrid Scawen Blunt in 1920

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edmund G. C. King
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Permanent Record ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Writing Practice ◽  
First World ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractThis article examines marginalia as a form of radical writing practice in the period immediately after the First World War. It focuses specifically on a densely annotated copy of the second part of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt's My Diaries, which covers on 1900–1914 and was published in 1920. The annotator, John Arthur Fallows (1864–1935), was a former Church of England clergyman and Independent Labour Party politician, and the article asks what motivated him to leave such an explicit record of his engagement with the book in its margins. Blunt recast his original diary entries to show how the outbreak of the First World War had arisen from the prewar imperialist policies of the Entente. Fallows, meanwhile, used his copy of My Diaries to inscribe a permanent record of his responses to Blunt's writing, which were shaped by his own memories of prewar radical-left political action. The dual record of textual engagement that can be recovered from this copy of My Diaries provides insight into how two British radicals “read” the causes of the First World War in the period between the Armistice and the conclusion of the Paris Peace Accords.

MacDonald, Henderson, and the Outbreak of War, 1914

1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 871-891
Author(s):  
Christopher Howard
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
First World War ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

The mutual antipathy which arose between Ramsay MacDonald and Arthur Henderson during the First World War is often acknowledged to the point of exaggeration. Historians have however done little more than to note its presence and attempt to minimize its importance to the party's development; they have rarely sought to investigate its causes. During the war the strains in their relationship lay not in any long-standing personal mistrust and cannot be explained by Henderson's acceptance of office in the Asquith and Lloyd George coalitions or MacDonald's unremitting opposition to government policy. They lay in the fact that both men believed the other to have abandoned the Labour party in its hour of crisis. That crisis occurred between August and October 1914 in the first instance and this article will argue that the debate over the future of the Labour party and of the trade union movement which occurred during that period, rather than concern for the fate of the nation, determined the decisions taken by MacDonald and Henderson, by the parliamentary Labour party (P.L.P.), and by the wider Labour movement in the first months of war.

scholarly journals Auto-stereotypes and Hetero-stereotypes in Slovene and Italian Poetry About Trieste From the First Half of the 20th Century

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 290
Author(s):  
Ana Toroš
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Native Culture ◽  
Italian Poetry ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Roman Culture ◽  
Literary Myth ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
First World

This article brings to light the socio-political conditions in the Triestine region, at the end of the 19th century and in the fi rst half of the 20th century. Th ese conditions infl uenced the formation of stereotypical, regionally coloured perceptions of Slovenes and Italians in the Slovene and Italian poetry about Trieste from the fi rst half of the 20th century, which were specific to the Triestine area or rather the wider region around Trieste, where the Slovene and Italian communities cohabited. This article also points out that these stereotypes are constructs. The Italian Triestine literature most frequently depicted the Italians (native culture) before the First World War, in accordance to the needs of the non-literary irredentist disposition. In this light, it depicted them as the inheritors of the Roman culture, wherein it highlights their combativeness and burning desire to “free” Trieste from its Austro-Hungarian prison. An increase in auto-stereotypes among the Slovene poetry is noticeable after the First World War and is most likely a consequence of the socio-political changes in Trieste. The Slovene Triestine literature depicted the Slovenes (native culture) after the First World War as “slaves” and simultaneously as the determined defenders of their land, who are also fully aware of their powerlessness against the immoral aggressor and cruel master (Italian hetero-stereotype) and so often call upon the help of imaginary forces (mythical heroes and personified nature in the Trieste region) and God. The Italian Triestine literature mostly depicted the Slovenes before the First World War as an inferior people, often referred to by the word “ščavi”. After the First World War, the Slovenes are depicted merely as the residents of the former Austro-Hungarian Trieste, meaning they were part of the narrative surrounding Trieste, only in when the narrative was set before the First World War. In this case, pre-war Slovene stereotypes appear, also depicted as part of the literary myth of the “Habsburg” Trieste, namely as the folkloric characters from the surrounding countryside.

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