The Machinery of the Andrew of Caesarea Tradition

Author(s):  
Garrick V. Allen

Although ubiquitous and informative, titles are not the only paratextual item that define Revelation’s manuscripts. An even more conspicuous force on the shape of Revelation’s interpretation and transmission is the commentary initially produced by the late sixth-/early seventh-century Archbishop of Cappadocian Caesarea, Andrew. This chapter maps the features of the late-antique Andrew of Caesarea commentary tradition, not only its explicit commentary, but also the prologue, kephalaia tables, epilogue, intertitles, and textual divisions. Different parts of the Andrew tradition appear in variegated ways in different manuscripts, but nearly half of all of Revelation’s Greek manuscripts maintain at least parts of the Andrew’s apparatus. Commentary manuscripts are a key part of the New Testament tradition that provide an array of information that informs reception-historical enquiry.

2008 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pieter G.R. De Villiers

Exposure of evil: Exegetical perspectives on violence in Revelation 18 This article investigates violence in Revelation 18 from an exegetical perspective because of its prominent role in contemporary debate on violence in the New Testament. It first discusses the complex meaning of violence in the light of the intricate composition of the book as a whole and this chapter in particular. It argues that, in contrast to what is often said in contemporary research about the incoherence of this passage, Revelation 18 is in fact a carefully composed ring composition in which the constitutive elements determine its meaning decisively and in which violence is a seminal motif. It also discusses how the rest of the text confirms the author’s literary skills and the neat composition of Revelation 18 as a text about a violent city. The article then shows how the different elements in the text ironically delineate the downfall of the violent city of Babylon and the reasons for it. It sketches how the consequences of Babylon’s fall are developed from an earthly and divine perspective. In all these different parts the prevalence of violence is spelled out.


2016 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-278
Author(s):  
Sean W. Anthony

AbstractBiblical proof-texts for the prophethood of Muḥammad play a prominent role in early Muslim interest in the Bible. This study re-examines the earliest known attempt by Muslims to find such a biblical proof-text in the New Testament – the Arabic version of Jesus's sermon on the “advocate/comforter” (Gk. paráklētos) in John 15: 23–16 found in Ibn Isḥāq's Kitāb al-Maghāzī. Key to understanding Ibn Isḥāq's adaptation of the Johannine text, this study argues, is the Christian Palestinian Aramaic Gospel behind it as well as the climate of Late Antique apocalypticism and messianism out of which Ibn Isḥāq's distinctively Islamic version emerged. This study concludes with an interpretation of Quran 61: 6, which appears to claim that Jesus prophesied a future prophet named Aḥmad.


Author(s):  
David Wheeler-Reed

This chapter shows how second- and third-generation Christians wrestled with the familial ideologies codified by the New Testament writers until sexual renunciation became the norm by 300 CE. It begins with an analysis of Tatian’s “encratite” argument, Clement’s emerging ecclesiastical sexual ethics, and Epiphanes’s so-called libertine Christianity. It concludes by demonstrating how all of these ideas coalesce in the writings of John Cassian, whom Foucault deems the quintessence of late antique sexual morality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-38
Author(s):  
Daniel Horatius Herman

Christian witness in Indonesia, in an encounter with Islam, experienced rejection. The message about Jesus Christ (or Isa Al Masih) is acknowledged exist in Islam’s scripture, Al Qur'an, but has several different parts and even contrary to the New Testament. Some teachings about Jesus in the Qur'an are interpreted differently: 'Isa is the Kalimatullah (a word from God),' Isa is mercy, 'Isa will come again,' Isa is a justice Judge at the end of time and others, all that is different from the New Testament’s teachings. Christians, in their testimonies, tried to interpret and used the same terms. This gives rise to debate and is of course contrary to the ethics of faith, where religious teachings cannot be explained by the perspective of other religions. This study aims to obtain an objective view of Jesus Christ from the Islamic view to form an initial understanding for the preaching of the Christian faith, but this study is not intended to seek justification (or verification) of the Christian faith. This study only seeks an explanation of the Islamic version of Jesus Christ.Kesaksian Kristen di Indonesia, dalam perjumpaan dengan Islam, mengalami penolakan-penolakan.  Berita tentang Yesus Kristus (atau Isa Almasih) diakui ada dalam kitab suci Islam, Al Qur’an, tetapi pada beberapa bagian berbeda dan bahkan bertolak belakang dengan Perjanjian Baru. Beberapa ajaran tentang Yesus dalam Al Qur’an dimaknai secara berbeda: Isa adalah Kalimatullah (firman Allah), Isa adalah rahmat, Isa akan datang kembali, Isa adalah hakim yang adil di akhir zaman dan lain-lain, semua berbeda dengan ajaran Perjanjian Baru.  Orang Kristen, dalam kesaksian, mencoba menafsirkan dan menggunakan kesamaan terminologi-terminologi tersebut.  Hal ini menimbulkan perdebatan dan tentu saja bertentangan dengan etika iman, dimana ajaran sebuah agama tidak dapat dijelaskan dari perspektif agama lain. Penelitian ini bertujuan memperoleh pandangan obyektif tentang Yesus Kristus dari pandangan Islam untuk pembentukan pemahaman awal untuk pemberitaan iman Kristen, tetapi penelitian tidak dimaksudkan untuk mencari pembenaran (verifikasi) terhadap iman Kristen. Penelitian ini hanya mencari penjelasan dari versi Islam tentang Yesus Kristus.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-432
Author(s):  
Joseph E. Sanzo ◽  
Nils H. Korsvoll

This article demonstrates the use of Eph. 6:10-17 on a Syriac incantation bowl (ibc 3), thereby challenging the commonly held opinion that there are no direct uses of the New Testament among the Syriac bowls. We then situate the use of this biblical passage on ibc 3 within the context of biblical citation and reference in Mediterranean magic more generally. Finally, we briefly reflect on the significance of the usage of the Bible on ibc 3 for the study of Syriac incantation bowls and for the value of categories of religious identification, such as “Christian,” “Jewish,” and “Pagan,” as it pertains to the study of late antique apotropaia.


1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-108
Author(s):  
John C. Lamoreaux

AbstractThe earliest extant Greek commentary on the Apocalypse was written by a certain Ecumenius. Many questions surround the provenance of this commentary. Was it written early in the sixth century or does it rather stem from the later decades of that same century? Was it written by a Monophysite? or by a Chalcedonian? Was the author of this commentary a friend and ally of Severus of Antioch? If not, who then was he? Such questions are important because Ecumenius' commentary is important. It offers an early uncial text of the Apocalypse of great moment for the New Testament textual critic. It is a significant source for understanding late antique efforts to support the canonical authority of the Apocalypse.' It contains crucial evidence of developing Mariological doctrines. Even more interesting, however, is the commentary's place in the history of polemic against Origen. Such themes are subtle, yet so frequent that one could read the text primarily as an attempt to provide an eschatological vision orthodox enough to replace that of Origen and his followers. But these are matters for another time.2 Here our concern is that of establishing the provenance of this text-who wrote it? when? and where?


Author(s):  
Maarten Taveirne

AbstractFrom the beginning of Christianity, the martyrs have been deemed paragons of the ideal of imitatio Christi, their willingness to lose their life for Christ’s sake proving their perfect discipleship. This article examines how martyrdom is literarily framed as an imitation of the Passion of Christ within the Latin acta martyrum and passiones from the 4th to 6th centuries. After an outline of the imitation concept in the New Testament, several instances from those late antique stories reveal a literary technique to deepen the description of the martyrdom by means of inserting quotations from and allusions to the Passion into the martyr narrative. In this manner the martyrdom account relates to the Passion of Christ, and-to at least some extent-renews its model. Two early instances (the stoning of Stephen [Acts 6:8−7:60] and the Martyrium Polycarpi) demonstrate that such stylization is no late antique innovation but dates back to the era of the Apostolic Fathers. Observations in the late antique narrative show its continuing popularity, but also a restraint in identifying the martyrs too much with Christ. By limiting the references, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the hagiographers made sure that (even a partial) imitation of the Passion of Christ in no way would amount to rivalry with the suffering and crucifixion of Jesus.


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