Blue-Collar Aristocrats: Life Styles at a Working-Class Tavern. By E. E. LeMasters. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975. 218 pp. $8.95

Social Work ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 412-412
Author(s):  
Donald Brieland
1976 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Gusfield ◽  
E. E. LeMasters

Author(s):  
Sean Dinces ◽  
Christopher Lamberti

This chapter argues that the growing obsession of sportswriters in recent decades with so-called “blue-collar” fan bases and “blue-collar” professional athletes has abetted the larger project of neoliberalism by masking and justifying economic inequality in cities like Chicago. The ongoing insistence of Chicago’s sports pages that local teams enjoy the support of “blue-collar” fan bases erases successful efforts by teams to price out the working-class by increasingly catering to affluent fans on the winning side of the upward redistribution of wealth. Moreover, the relatively recent trend of local journalists labeling Chicago’s professional, millionaire athletes as “blue-collar” encapsulates the broader trend within the mainstream media of discussing class as a matter of personal style rather than a matter of material circumstance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 110 (4) ◽  
pp. 832-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
NICHOLAS CARNES ◽  
NOAM LUPU

In most democracies, lawmakers tend to be vastly better off than the citizens who elect them. Is that because voters prefer more affluent politicians over leaders from working-class backgrounds? In this article, we report the results of candidate choice experiments embedded in surveys in Britain, the United States, and Argentina. Using conjoint designs, we asked voters in these different contexts to choose between two hypothetical candidates, randomly varying several of the candidates’ personal characteristics, including whether they had worked in blue-collar or white-collar jobs. Contrary to the idea that voters prefer affluent politicians, the voters in our experiments viewed hypothetical candidates from the working class as equally qualified, more relatable, and just as likely to get their votes. Voters do not seem to be behind the shortage of working-class politicians. To the contrary, British, American, and Argentine voters seem perfectly willing to cast their ballots for working-class candidates.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Augie Fleras ◽  
Shane Michael Dixon

ABSTRACT Television portrayals of working-class males in blue-collar jobs have in the past proven unflattering at best, demeaning at worst. But a new breed of unscripted TV shows articulates a fundamentally different narrative about the unsung heroism of working-class men. This article explores the narratives and images associated with the re-masculinization of blue-collared working-class males as real men in contrast to conventional working-class misrepresentations as persons lacking self control, motivation and commitment. This genre of “macho” male programs constitutes a key ideological tool by which “hegemonic” narratives of conventional masculinity are internalized through the “pleasures of the media.” The authors conclude that, despite the recent valorization of blue-collar values, contributions, and identities, representational distortions and content omissions persist in portraying workingclass realities.RÉSUMÉ La manière dont les médias ont dépeint les hommes de la classe ouvrière dans des emplois de cols bleus a été dans le passé peu flatteuse au mieux et dégradante au pire. Mais un nouveau type d’émission non-scénarisé articule une narration fondamentalement différente qui porte sur l’héroïsme méconnu des hommes de la classe ouvrière. Cet article explore les narrations et les images associées à la « remasculinisation » des cols bleus par rapport à la façon dont on les a décrits traditionnellement, à savoir comme des hommes manquant de maîtrise de soi, de motivation et de persévérance. Ce genre de programme sur le mâle macho est un outil idéologique clé par lequel les spectateurs, grâce au « plaisir des médias », internalisent des narrations hégémoniques sur la masculinité conventionnelle. Les auteurs concluent que, malgré la reconnaissance récente des valeurs, contributions et identités des cols bleus, des distorsions représentationnelles et des omissions de contenu persistent dans la manière dont les médias dépeignent la classe ouvrière.


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