Bellum Civile in Cicero: Terminology and Self-fashioning

Keyword(s):  
1965 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 1216-1221
Author(s):  
Pierre Pouthier

Dans l'esprit de son auteur, cette très belle thèse relève à la fois du domaine littéraire et du domaine historique ; la matière est incontestablement historique ; mais le but n'est pas de préciser les causes et le déroulement des guerres civiles — office d'historien, dit M. P. Jal. Il s'agit de déterminer comment les Romains ont jugé ces guerres, quelles ont été leurs réactions sentimentales ou littéraires, comment est né le « thème » de la guerre civile. Même si l'historien trouve dans ce livre ample matière à réflexion, il ne faut y chercher ni l'aspect événementiel de ces luttes, ni même une étude du caractère politique, économique et social des faits. Des allusions simplement, des références. L'ouvrage doit avant tout, comme le soulignent les mots « étude littéraire et morale » joints au titre, évoquer l'attitude des Romains devant le phénomène du bellum civile. C'est, à partir des textes, une vue sur la civilisation romaine, une étude de psychologie individuelle et surtout collective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Megan M. Daly

AbstractThe recognition of the similarities between Roman epic poetry and historiography have led to valuable studies such as Joseph’s analysis of the relationship between Lucan’s Bellum Civile and Tacitus’ Histories. Traces of Lucan’s Bellum Civile can also be observed in Tacitus’ Annals 1 and 2, causing the beginning of Tiberius’ reign to look like a civil war in the making. The charismatic Germanicus sits with a supportive army on the northern frontier, much like Caesar, causing fear for Tiberius at Rome. Germanicus denies his chance to become the next Caesar and march on the city, but he exhibits other similarities with Lucan’s Caesar, including an association with Alexander the Great. Although at some points Germanicus seems to be repeating the past and reliving episodes experienced by Caesar in Bellum Civile, he prevents himself from fully realizing a Caesarian fate and becoming Lucan’s bad tyrant. The similar images, events, and themes presented by both authors create messages that reflect experiences from the authors’ own lives during dangerous times.


1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Mary Bradford Peaks ◽  
Florence Theodora Baldwin
Keyword(s):  

2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 605-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Tracy

Book 8 of Lucan's Bellum Civile opens with Pompey in desperate flight from Caesar after the disaster of Pharsalus, and in equally desperate search for a reliable ally. Before the fateful decision is taken that Pompey should make for Egypt, where he will be murdered upon arrival by minions of the treacherous Ptolemy XIII, Pompey dispatches his Galatian client-tetrarch Deiotarus to sound out the distant Parthians and summon their armed hordes to wage war on his behalf (8.209-38); the king promptly embarks on his arduous errand (8.238-43), never to reappear in Lucan's text. Although Pompey is said by several historical sources to have expressed an interest in exploring the prospect of an alliance with Parthia, the mission of Deiotarus is almost certainly a complete fiction, as Duff has convincingly demonstrated. What could Lucan's motive have been for inventing this episode out of whole cloth?


1994 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. M. C. Green

It is the argument of this paper that many aspects of Lucan's characterization in the Bellum Civile of Caesar and Pompey, and of the conflict itself, reflect a ritual combat for kingship such as the combat and murder codified in the myth of Romulus and Remus. It was a well-established convention by Ennius's time, further developed in the late Republic, that the conflict between the founding brothers over control of Rome was the ultimate cause for the Civil Wars. The religious (and possibly the historical) basis of this myth can be found in the rites of the priest of Diana at Aricia, the rex nemorensis, which were still extant in Lucan's time. The evidence for Lucan's use of this paradigm is reviewed, and Book 3 of the Bellum Civile is then reassessed in the terms that it suggests. The themes of sacred place (especially the sacred grove), scared combat, and the necessary murder are most clearly presented in Book 3. It is further argued that seeming inconsistencies in the nature of the gods in Lucan's epic can be at least partially resolved if we understand that the gods must remain aloof and outside the action while the ritual takes place, even though they themselves have instituted the ritual of kingship murder, and will, when it is completed, receive the murderer as their ritually validated priest-king. In the conclusion, ways are suggested in which this paradigm, if accepted, begins to clarify various puzzling choices Lucan has made elsewhere in the epic regarding his narrative of events, his development of character, and the recurrent images of lightning, tree, and blood-sacrifice owed to the gods.


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