Public Opinion of the Application of Sex Offender Notification Laws to Female Sex Offenders

2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Calli M. Cain ◽  
Lisa L. Sample ◽  
Amy L. Anderson

Sex offender notification laws depend not only on the public’s access of registration information but also on the belief that those on the registry present a danger to society and thus deserve informal monitoring. As registries have expanded to include more people, perhaps citizens feel some people on registry are incapable of committing sex crimes or do not pose a danger to society. A group whose inclusion the public may question is women, as many scholars have argued there is a societal-level denial that females commit sex crimes. Data from the 2012 Nebraska Annual Social Indicators Survey were used to determine whether the public agreed that citizens should be notified of convicted female sex offenders living in their communities, whether they would take preventive action if a female sex offender lived in their neighborhood, and whether they think that female sex crimes are less serious than sex crimes committed by men.

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (6) ◽  
pp. 1044-1063
Author(s):  
Calli M. Cain ◽  
Amy L. Anderson

Traditional gender roles, sex scripts, and the way female sex offenders are portrayed in the media may lead to misconceptions about who can commit sexual offenses. Sexual crimes by women may go unnoticed or unreported if there is a general lack of awareness that females commit these crimes. Data from the 2012 Nebraska Annual Social Indicators Survey were used to determine whether the public perceives women as capable sex offenders and the perceived causes of female sex offending. The traditional focus on male sex offenders by researchers, media, and politicians, in addition to gender stereotypes, introduces the possibility of group differences (e.g., between men and women) in perceptions of female sex offenders. Consequently, two secondary analyses were conducted that tested for group differences in both the public’s perception of whether females can commit sex offenses and the explanations selected for why females sexually offend. The findings suggest that the public does perceive women as capable sex offenders, although there were group differences in the causal attributions for female sex offending.


2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna M. Vandiver

Even though much of the prior sex offender literature focuses on males, recent research has included females as offenders. Such research, however, has been limited by small sample sizes. Several researchers have proposed typologies of female sex offenders that include both females who act alone (i.e., solo offenders) and females who act with another person (i.e., co-offenders), often a male. The current research includes a cross-national sample of 123 females who were solo offenders and 104 who were co-offenders. It was found that the two groups of females were not significantly different in regard to their age, race, time of offense, and the location of the offense. Co-offenders were more likely than solo offenders to have more than one victim, to have both male and female victims, to be related to the victim, and to have a nonsexual offense in addition to the sexual offense listed.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (8) ◽  
pp. 972-990 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly A. Miller ◽  
Ethan A. Marshall

Due to the smaller proportion of female sex offenders (2%-12% of all sexual offenses) compared with male sex offenders, we know much less about these women to aid in the assessment, treatment, and prevention of their offending behavior compared with men. One promising distinction in female sex offender typology is solo-offending females versus females who offend with a male co-offender. The current study uses a sample of 225 incarcerated female sex offenders to compare solo and co-offending women on variables of psychopathology, criminal history, victim and offender information, and recidivism rates. Results indicate that solo offenders are more likely to have male, unrelated victims, score higher on dominance and aggression, and are more likely to generally recidivate. Solo versus co-offending status was not a significant predictor for sexual recidivism. Implications for assessment and treatment are discussed.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Hinds ◽  
Kathleen Daly

This article explores the contemporary phenomenon of “naming and shaming” sex offenders. Community notification laws, popularly known as Megan's Law, which authorise the public disclosure of the identity of convicted sex offenders to the community in which they live, were enacted throughout the United States in the 1990s. A public campaign to introduce “Sarah's Law” has recently been launched in Britain, following the death of eight-year old Sarah Payne. Why are sex offenders, and certain categories of sex offenders, singled out as targets of community notification laws? What explains historical variability in the form that sex offender laws take? We address these questions by reviewing the sexual psychopath laws enacted in the United States in the 1930s and 40s and the sexual predator and community notification laws of the 1990s, comparing recent developments in the United States with those in Britain, Canada, and Australia. We consider arguments by Garland, O'Malley, Pratt, and others on how community notification, and the control of sex offenders more generally, can be explained; and we speculate on the likelihood that Australia will adopt community notification laws.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Wijkman ◽  
Catrien Bijleveld ◽  
Jan Hendriks

Author(s):  
Ian A. Elliott ◽  
Alexandra Bailey

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document