4. The Long-Term Incidence of Barricade Events and the Lost Barricades of the French Revolution

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-92
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Philippe Bourdin

The theatre, a very often-frequented place from the 1770s, is at the junction of several socie-ties: that of the shareholders who own the auditorium and privileges; that of the artists; that of the spectators; that of amateurs who are formed in bourgeois circles and then in patriotic dramatic so-cieties. Commercial freedom, activist investment, the wars born of the French Revolution, emigra-tion, indeed, upset theatrical structures. Halls and troops then multiply, and dramatic practices gain previously unfamiliar spaces for entertainment. Theatre becomes not only an economic issue, but also a political one, posing and addressing long term issues of profitability, social order, and public order. Theatre enables social reconversions, but professional troops are also sometimes divided by the artists’ political choices. They are challenged by amateurs whose commitments are more in line with the wishes of the successive regimes.


1989 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sperber

Of all the regions of Central Europe, the Rhineland was the one most affected by the French Revolution. The area on the left bank of the Rhine belonged for almost two full decades to the First French Republic and the Napoleonic Empire; parts of the right bank were, for a shorter period, under the rule of the Napoleonic satellite state, the Grand Duchy of Berg. In studying these unusual circumstances, historians have sometimes focused on short-term political implications, asking how the Rhenish population of the 1790s responded to the Jacobin regime. They have also studied the long-term social and economic effects of the revolutionary legislation and the secularization of church lands.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Øjvind Larsen

Piketty’s Capital in Twenty-First Century has posed a totally new platform for the discussion of the economy and capitalism. Piketty has reinvented the classical political economy founded by Adam Smith in his 1776 Wealth of Nations. Piketty has shown via massive historical research how growth and inequality have developed since 1793. Piketty’s conclusion is that the French Revolution did not change the existing inequality either in the medium or in the long term. Piketty’s prediction is that a new form of global capitalism will arise, patrimonial capitalism, in which inequality will develop further and the 1% of the World population will control 95% of all wealth in the World.


1966 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio A. Fernández

This study is a modest attempt to examine some general aspects of nationalism in the Argentine context. It should be mentioned at the start that there is no comprehensive definition for nationalism and in this connection it may be useful to explore some of the various ways in which the term is employed.Professor Toynbee defines nationalism as “a state of mind in which we give our paramount political loyalty to one fraction of the human race—to the particular tribe of which we happen to be tribesmen.” Professor Ebenstein describes nationalism since the French Revolution as “one of the driving forces of domestic, imperial, and international politics.” From his observation of Western countries, Myrdal prefers to view nationalism in terms of “an irrational force, driving … [western countries] to more disruptive policies internationally than are in their own long-term interests.”


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