The Politics and Diplomacy of Neutrality

This article discusses the diplomacy and foreign policy of neutral actors in international relations. It introduces popular research themes of neutrality studies and presents some of the relevant literature. Neutrality has been most profoundly developed, studied, and defined under international law. However, there are other dimensions to it like politics, ethics, norms, identity, and security under which it remains a relatively fuzzy concept. The Finnish president, Urho Kekkonen, once explained it best: “There are as many kinds of neutrality as there are neutral states.” That is because the concept has diplomatic implications that do not stem directly from a country’s abstention from conflicts, but rather from strategic or ideational factors like the normative self-conceptualizations of peoples living in neutral countries and the political choices they make. In this respect, much research on the motivations and development of individual neutralities has been conducted over the years, including case studies, comparative works, theoretical treaties, and general histories. The focus of this article lies on the development of the concept since the maritime and Great Power neutralities of the 18th century. In particular, it covers the major literature of the past one hundred years, during which neutrality in the classic sense of international law underwent several changes and new forms of the neutral idea emerged in the form of nonalignment and neutralism. Furthermore, neutrality also has a place in the history of international organizations like the United Nations or the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and humanitarian institutions like the International Committee of the Red Cross. Therefore, this article understands “diplomacy” in a loose sense, including the foreign policies of states and the international political approaches of non-state actors alike. It defines “neutrality” as an actor’s military noninvolvement in third-party conflicts, especially in interstate wars. Hence, neutral diplomacy refers to the coordinated activities of international actors who remain—or try to remain—at a distance from third-party conflicts. The article does not cover technical understandings of neutrality that do not refer to a subject’s exclusion from conflicts but to different principles. For instance, “net-neutrality,” refers to the non-discrimination of Internet access speeds, not to the Internet’s exclusion from conflicts, and will not be covered in this analysis.

Voter Behaviour of Local Community in Indonesia: Evidence from The Ambaipua Village Community in Regional Head Elections of South Konawe 2020

The research aims to determine and analyze the voter behavior of the Ambaipua Village community in regional head elections of South Konawe in 2020. This research uses political participation and voter behavior concept to see what underlying the community in determining the choice of their regional head, whether influenced by sociological, psychological or rational aspects. The data collection techniques used were interviews, literature studies and documentation. The results showed that the voting pattern of the Ambaipua Village community could be understood from three approaches, namely sociology, psychology and rational. A sociological approach in which the majority of informants stated that the religious aspect greatly affects who the candidate will be elected, that they will choose a candidate who has the same belief/religion. Meanwhile, from the psychological approach, it was found that the informants were not influenced by the political parties carrying the regional head candidates, but the majority would choose the incumbent with the assumption that they had succeeded in developing the region in the previous period. On the other hand, the rational approach was seen from the tendency of informants to choose candidate who have good political experience. Based on the results by the writers, it can be concluded that the sociological approach especially religion is more prominent than the other two approaches. This is because religious knowledge will have a great influence on aspects of people's lives, including their political choices.

The Critical Antecedents of Populism

Under “normal” circumstances, people unhappy with their personal or national conditions turn their attention to traditional opposition parties. Only when there is widespread political dissatisfaction with all existing political choices does the potential for populism coming to power arise. This chapter focuses on two critical antecedents that make populism in power possible: mass discontent with existing political arrangements/institutions and elite disarray. It shows that, in all the cases discussed in the book, they provide the critical antecedents in which populist candidacies thrive. These two antecedents are not the only possible causes of populism but, when jointly present, they are sufficient conditions for the election of a populist leader.

Fifth-century landscapes

The desertion of Roman London around the end of the fourth century is contrasted with settlement continuity within its rural hinterland. The failure of the Roman administration resulted in the abandonment of most urban properties. Although some suburban villas may have suffered a similar fate, others saw continued occupation into the fifth century. The most compelling evidence for such continuity comes from the site of the likely villa at St Martin-in-the-Fields by Trafalgar Square. Other rural sites, some first occupied in the Iron Age, remained as focal points for later activities represented by sporadic finds of early Saxon material in Southwark and at sites along the Fleet valley. The contrast that these sites present with the evidence from the City suggests that the evacuation of the city had little immediate impact on the management of the surrounding rural landscape. Saxon settlement occurred at some remove from Roman retreat. Other suburban villas may have been abandoned, only to attract later church foundations because of their identity as late antique sites with potential Christian associations. London’s late Saxon revival was the consequence of later political choices.

The European Health Union: European Union’s Concern about Health for All. Concepts, Definition, and Scenarios

The COVID-19 pandemic brought visibility and intensified the discussions on the European Union’s (EU) health mandate. The proposals of the European Commission (EC) to move towards a European Health Union (EHU) can be seen as a starting point towards more integration in health. However, the definition of what the EHU will look like is not clear. This paper searches to find a common definition, and/or features for this EHU through a systematic literature review performed in May 2021. “European Union’s concern about health for all” is suggested as a definition. The main drivers identified to develop an EHU are: surveillance and monitoring, crisis preparedness, funding, political will, vision of public health expenditures, population’s awareness and interest, and global health. Based on these findings, five scenarios were developed: making a full move towards supranational action; improving efficiency in the actual framework; more coordination but no real change; in a full intergovernmentalism direction; and fragmentation of the EU. The scenarios show that the development of a EHU is possible inside the current legal framework. However, it will rely on increased coordination and has a focus on cross-border health threats. Any development will be strongly linked to political choices from Member States.

How political choices shaped Covid connectivity: The Italian case study

The importance of implementing new methodologies to study the ever-increasing amount of Covid-19 data is apparent. The aftermath analysis of these data could inform us on how specific political decisions influenced the dynamics of the pandemic outbreak. In this paper we use the Italian outbreak as a case study, to study six different Covid indicators collected in twenty Italian regions. We define a new object, the Covidome, to investigate the network of functional Covid interactions between regions. We analyzed the Italian Covidome over the course of 2020, and found that Covid connectivity between regions follows a sharp North-South community gradient. Furthermore, we explored the Covidome dynamics and individuated differences in regional Covid connectivity between the first and second waves of the pandemic. These differences can be associated to the two different lockdown strategies adopted for the first and the second wave from the Italian government. Finally, we explored to what extent Covid connectivity was associated with the Italian geographical network, and found that Central regions were more tied to the structural constraints than Northern or Southern regions in the spread of the virus. We hope that this approach will be useful in gaining new insights on how political choices shaped Covid dynamics across nations.

Capitalism and the Environment

Rising economic inequality has put capitalism on trial globally. At the same time, existential environmental threats worsen while corporations continue to pollute and distort government policy. These twin crises have converged in calls to revamp government and economic systems and to revisit socialism, given up for dead only 30 years ago. In Capitalism and the Environment, Shi-Ling Hsu argues that such an impulse, if enacted, will ultimately harm the environment. Hsu argues that inequality and environmental calamities are political failures – the result of bad decision-making – and not a symptom of capitalism. Like socialism, capitalism is composed of political choices. This book proposes that we make a different set of choices to better harness the transformative power of capitalism, which will allow us to reverse course and save the environment.

The political economy of inflation

For the last 40 years, macroeconomics has been dominated by Milton Friedman’s view that inflation occurs when the supply of money rises more quickly than economic output – ‘too much money chasing too few goods’, as the saying goes. If inflation is always due to an imbalance of money supply and output, central banks alone determine the path of inflation, and fiscal policy merely has a redistributive function. This paper draws on historical and empirical evidence as well as recent theoretical literature to show that this view is mistaken. Monetary policy has redistributive effects, and fiscal policy affects the money supply. It is therefore impossible to separate them in practice. Both fiscal and monetary policy have inflationary consequences, and because their distributional effects are different, monetary policy cannot fully offset fiscal decisions. Fiscal and monetary policy are influenced by political decisions and are themselves political in nature. Since inflation reflects spending and saving patterns which are affected by political choices, it is fundamentally a political phenomenon.

The lesson learned from COVID-19 and the climate crisis is not to let experts decide on policies: a response to Robert C. Schmidt

This is a response to the commentary by Robert C. Schmidt in this journal, in which the author suggests that for specific problems such as climate change or the current pandemic, decisions on policies should be made by scientific experts rather than by politicians. We argue that such ideas, which were brought up in the late 1960s and reconsidered more recently, do not take sufficient account of the nature of science politics, and their interaction. Furthermore, problem structures and resulting challenges for science and politics are not similar, but essentially different between climate change and the pandemic. Therefore, different solutions to the problems are required. There is a need to improve politics’ reliable recourse to scientific evidence in many cases. Yet, giving scientific experts such a strong position in decision-making ignores that most decisions, even if based on the state of scientific evidence (if there is such an uncontroversial state of evidence), ultimately require genuinely political choices about trade-offs of interests and normative issues that neither can nor should be made by scientists. Therefore, putting Schmidt’s proposal into practice would not solve the existing problems but instead create new problems.

How Robots Have Politics

In an influential essay, published in the 1980s, philosopher of technology Langdon Winner (1980), asked, ‘Do artefacts have politics?’ His answer, confirmed by subsequent decades of science and technology studies, was a resounding ‘Yes!’ Artefacts have political choices embedded in their design and entrench these politics in their applications. Moreover, because technologies are better suited to serving some ends rather than others, artefacts shape the societies in which they are developed by shaping the circumstances of their own use. This chapter explores how robots have politics and how those politics are relevant to their ethics. It suggests that, for a number of reasons, robots have more politics than do other sorts of artefacts.