scholarly journals Discursos para Reexistência no Ensino de Ciências: de Baco Exu do Blues a Malcolm X

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberth De-Carvalho
Keyword(s):  

Resumo: O repertório de linguagens hegemonicamente institucionalizado constitui conhecimento científico e tecnológico que produzem variados sentidos de interesse social. Ressignificados por sensos, signos e gestos na escola, esses conhecimentos se transpõem em narrativas que atravessam o ensino de ciências, podendo efetuar a dessubjetivação do Outro, ao promoverem formações discursivas homocêntricas: relações tecnocientíficas para um projeto utilitarista de sociedade. Neste ensaio discutimos relações outras de linguagens, em espaços-tempos afro-latinos e afro-americanos, por meio de transições de linguagens contra-hegemônicas para a educação política, através do ensino de ciências. Buscamos condições de produção de reexistência para o ensino de ciências, por meio da análise de discurso de linha franco-brasileira, na composição musical A pele que habito, do rapper afro-latino Baco Exu do Blues, e no discurso The ballot or the bullet, do ativista afro-americano Malcolm X.

1967 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Author(s):  
Jeanne Brunschwig
Keyword(s):  

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick D. Harper
Keyword(s):  

1994 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 1415
Author(s):  
Clayborne Carson ◽  
Orlando Bagwell ◽  
Judy Richardson
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Mark Newman

The popular media often illustrate black nationalism with images of Malcolm X and black leather-jacketed, Afro-wearing, armed Black Panthers in the 1960s, and, in later decades, Louis Farrakhan and hip-hop artists such as Public Enemy. Although historians disagree about black nationalism’s composition and origins, they argue that it has a long pedigree in American history, traceable at least to the first half of the 19th century, if not earlier. While men were most often black nationalism’s public exponents, and some emphasized manhood and female subordination, black nationalism also appealed to many black women, some of whom also exercised leadership and organizational skills in its service. Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican, led the first mass black nationalist organization in the United States, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), during the 1920s. Like 19th-century black nationalists, Garvey advocated an independent state for people of African descent, black uplift, and the “civilizing” of Africa. Although not original to him, his emphasis on the right to self-defense, independent black economic development, and pride in African history boosted the UNIA’s popularity. Garvey fell victim to state oppression in the United States, but some former Garveyites joined the Moorish Science Temple of America (MSTA) and probably also the Nation of Islam (NOI), both of which rejected Christianity, identified blacks as Asiatics, and adopted particularist interpretations of Islam. In the 1950s and 1960s, Malcolm X, the charismatic son of Garveyite parents, became the Nation’s chief recruiter. Personal differences with Elijah Muhammad, the Nation’s leader since the 1930s, eventually led to Malcolm X’s departure in 1964. Although he was assassinated in 1965, Malcolm X’s calls for armed self-defense, self-determination and black pride, and identification with anticolonial struggles heavily influenced Black Power advocates. Some civil rights organizations and workers, who were disillusioned by intransigent white racism and distrustful of white liberals, championed Black Power, which was multifaceted and sometimes more reformist than nationalist. In the early 1990s, polls suggested that black nationalist ideas were more popular than during their supposed heyday in the late 1960s, before internal dissension and state repression undermined many Black Power groups.


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