Whose Representation, Whose Rights?

Author(s):  
Joscelyn Jurich

This article is based on a conference the author co-organized at CELSA-Sorbonne in 2018 entitled, “Médias indépendants et droits de l’homme: la tension entre ‘reporting’ et ‘reportage’? Enquête et démocratie” (“The Independent Media and Human Rights: Tension between “reporting” and “reportage”? Investigation and Democracy”). The conference featured presentations by independent photographers NnoMan Cadoret and Yann Levy and Le Monde reporter Rémi Barroux. It focused on how independent and “traditional” photographers and journalists represent human rights issues including police violence and discrimination based on race, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation and how they cover activist movements such as “Truth and Justice for Adama,” the movement formed after the suspicious death of Adama Traoré in 2016 while in police custody and the ZAD (zone à defendre), an autonomous zone in Northwestern France that has had a historically tense relationship to the French state. This article takes as its central questions those posed at the 2018 conference: How do independent photojournalists and journalists, those working for “traditional” outlets and independent cultural producers contribute to investigative and democratic practices? How do these groups represent and, in the case of independent photographers in France, sometimes themselves embody precarious and vulnerable lives? What complementary knowledge can they provide to the academy and to scholarship? Describing the ways in which Cadoret’s and Levy’s documentation of what they call “a permanent social emergency: the migrant crisis, institutional racism, the destruction of the environment, liberal reforms” (Levy 2017) is a form of social and political engagement, the article details their conceptualization of and commitment to representing under-represented and misrepresented vulnerable populations such as residents of the quartiers populaires (working class neighborhoods), migrants and residents of the ZAD. Explicating the distinct ways in which their interpretative community (Hymes 1980; Zelizer 1993; Nichols 1994) as committed independent photographers differs from that of Le Monde journalist Barroux, this article addresses both how these independent and “traditional” media producers conceptualize what Ryfe (Ryfe 2019) has called the single greatest challenge facing Western journalism today: its ontology (Ryfe 2019). Cadoret’s and Levy’s work is then analyzed in the context of the independent American documentary “Whose Streets” (2017), about the killing of Michael Brown and the Ferguson uprisings. To what extent independent photographers and cultural producers creating counter-hegemonic representations could be considered a sensus communis (Rancière 2009) is one of the concluding questions of this work as is the challenge to self-reflexivity and self-critique in the academy concerning questions of representation and precarity.

Author(s):  
Christine (Cricket) Keating ◽  
Cynthia Burack

This chapter examines the issue of the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer people (LGBTI). In recent years, LGBTI groups have used the language and frameworks of human rights to organize against state, civil society, religious, and interpersonal violence and discrimination. The broadening of the human rights framework to address issues of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) has been an important development in both the human rights and the LGBTI movements. The chapter begins with a discussion of SOGI rights as human rights, focusing on questions such as the central human rights issues for LGBTI people; how these groups have organized to address these challenges through a human rights framework; and the challenges faced by LGBTI human rights advocates and what successes they have had. It also considers critiques of SOGI human rights activism and concludes with a case study of Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Bill.


Author(s):  
M. Joel Voss

The human rights of LGBTI persons are being contested across the world—both within states and across regions. Despite decades of incremental change, in many states, LGBTI activists are beginning to rapidly advance their normative agendas, particularly in the context of protection against violence and discrimination. However, consistent backlash and opposition to LGBTI advocacy remains. Notwithstanding decades of silence on LGBTI rights, international institutions are also beginning to rapidly include sexual orientation and gender identity in their work as well. Institutions that consist primarily of independent experts and that focus on narrower human rights issues have been especially active in including sexual orientation and gender identity in their work, either formally or informally. At the same time, largely political institutions have generally lagged behind their counterparts. Scholarship on both sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) advocacy and contestation have also lagged behind political and legal developments at international institutions. Although a few works exist, particularly on the UN Human Rights Council, there are numerous other institutions that have been understudied. Further, research on the implementation of international SOGI policies has also been largely absent. SOGI advocacy and contestation continues across nearly every major international institution. Research agendas, either qualitative or quantitative are sorely needed to help better predict and explain the advancement or retreat of SOGI in international institutions and within domestic contexts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-104
Author(s):  
Tula Connell

Although the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights includes the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association among its thirty articles, more than sixty years elapsed before working people’s rights to form unions and assemble was accorded attention by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The omission of worker rights’ issues reflects a global international perspective that historically has not embraced workplace rights within the larger human rights framework. The UNHRC’s appointment of a Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association in 2011 marked a noteworthy step in broadening the dialogue. Special Rapporteur Maina Kiai has strongly argued that a first step toward addressing the harsh effects of globalization on millions of workers around the world begins with the eradication of the artificial distinction between labor rights and human rights. As Special Rapporteur, Kiai has underscored the centrality of the global working class, and argued that the ability of the working class to exercise fundamental workplace rights is a prerequisite for a broad range of other rights, whether economic, social, cultural or political.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174619792097729
Author(s):  
Marlana Salmon-Letelier ◽  
S. Garnett Russell

Human rights education (HRE) is an emerging practice across formal and informal educational sectors worldwide. However, most literature and theory on HRE emphasize the importance of imparting knowledge about human rights. In this paper, we argue that increasing tolerance among students is a vital but understudied aspect of HRE. This paper is based on the results of a mixed methods longitudinal study conducted in three classrooms across two New York City public high schools. Our methods include a pre-/post- survey, classroom observations, and semi-structured individual and group interviews. The findings indicate that merely teaching about human rights issues is necessary but not sufficient to shift deeply embedded attitudes that contribute to the transformative nature of the human rights framework. We present tolerance as a necessary precursor to positive social change and sustainable human rights implementation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Damaris Seleina Parsitau

AbstractIn Kenya, debates about sexual orientation have assumed center stage at several points in recent years, but particularly before and after the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya in 2010. These debates have been fueled by religious clergy and by politicians who want to align themselves with religious organizations for respectability and legitimation, particularly by seeking to influence the nation's legal norms around sexuality. I argue that through their responses and attempts to influence legal norms, the religious and political leaders are not only responsible for the nonacceptance of same-sex relationships in Africa, but have also ensured that sexuality and embodiment have become a cultural and religious battleground. These same clergy and politicians seek to frame homosexuality as un-African, unacceptable, a threat to African moral and cultural sensibilities and sensitivities, and an affront to African moral and family values. Consequently, the perception is that homosexuals do not belong in Africa—that they cannot be entertained, accommodated, tolerated, or even understood. Ultimately, I argue that the politicization and religionization of same-sex relationships in Kenya, as elsewhere in Africa, has masked human rights debates and stifled serious academic and pragmatic engagements with important issues around sexual difference and sexual orientation while fueling negative attitudes toward people with different sexual orientations.


Headline JORDAN: Amman will quietly reposition on rights issues


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document