Categorization of Korean Double Accusative Constructions

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-399
Author(s):  
Wookyung Park ◽  
Kyoungmi Lee
1981 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Naphtali Kinberg

In an article published in the early sixties, M. Bogaert shows certain groups of verbs which in Biblical Hebrew (as well as in other north-western Semitic languages) may govern verbal suffixes instead of ‘dative’prepositions. This phenomenon is called by him ‘non-accusative verbal suffixes’.In his article ‘'et = ’el “to, towards” in Biblical Hebrew', S. Izre'el argues that the particle 'et sometimes occurs in contexts that elsewhere require the prepositions 'el ‘to, towards’ or 'im ‘with’. He concludes thatwith 'et is a preposition which in Modern Hebrew may be rendered by 'im or 'el, similar to the Hebrew preposition bƏ- which is sometimes translated into English as ‘in’ and at other times as ‘at’, according to the context.


1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-79
Author(s):  
Peter Rolf Lutzeier

ABSTRACTThis article addresses a problem at the interface between morpho-syntax and semantics: How to treat “double-accusative” constructions in German. The solution is given in relational terms, which suits the framework of CRMS-theory*. With regard to the first type of “double accusative” constructions [sie lehrt ihn die deutsche sprache ‘she teaches him the German language’], the option of different case marking is explained by general principles of CRMS-theory. With regard to the second type [sie nennt ihn einen lügner ‘she calls him a liar’], the clue for its full understanding comes from the following observation: in addition to the accusative marking of both complements there is a strong semantic tie between the two. That is why traditional grammar rightly speaks of such forms as einen lügner as an “accusative of identification”. As this idea of identification is realized at the content level in my approach, I do not see any reason for establishing a special relation “predicative” for the second type.


1971 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy W. Hoover

Modern discussion of the enigmatic οὐχ ⋯ρπαγμ⋯ν ⋯γ⋯σατο τ⋯ εἶναι ἶσα θεῷ of Phil. 2:6 received its most significant contribution from Werner Jaeger in a notable article published half a century ago. Jaeger contended that this much-disputed phrase belongs to a cluster of idiomatic expressions in which literal notions of robbery or violent seizure are not present. These idiomatic expressions feature double accusative constructions in which ἃρπαγμα as well as ἒρμαιον, εὔρημα and εὐτύχημα regularly appear with such verbs as ⋯γείσθαι, ποιείσθαι and τίθεσθαι with the meaning, ”to regard something as a stroke of luck, a windfall, a piece of good fortune,” etc.2 When it occurs in such a construction ἃρπαγμα is to be understood as a synonym of the above-mentioned nouns (”Studie,” pp. 548-49)—a judgment which Jaeger believed is most patently indicated in Heliodorus, Aethiopica VII.20, since there both ἅρπαγμα and ⋯ρμαιον occur in the same phrase: οὐχ ἃραγμα οὐδ⋯ ἒρμαιον ποιείται τ⋯ πράγμα


Author(s):  
Irina Nevskaya ◽  
Lina Amal

This chapter deals with some of the most salient syntactic features of nominal groups and nominal sentences in Transeurasian languages; e.g. agreement in person and number between the heads and the modifiers expressed by adjectives, numerals, and demonstrative pronouns within nominal groups; formal and semantic properties of the “possessive noun + noun” adnominal possession construction; the morphology and syntax of reflexive possessive constructions. Special attention is paid to the inalienable/alienable possession split, observed in the existence of specialized possessive morphology, or of the double nominative and double accusative constructions of “external possession” in individual Transeurasian subbranches or languages. The chapter also describes the main types of Transeurasian nominal sentences, correlation of their formal and semantic types, and agreement between their subjects and predicates.


Linguistics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Czypionka ◽  
Katharina Spalek ◽  
Isabell Wartenburger ◽  
Manfred Krifka

AbstractComprehension of transitive sentences relies on different kinds of information, like word order, case marking, and animacy contrasts between arguments. When no formal cues like case marking or number congruency are available, a contrast in animacy helps the parser to decide which argument is the grammatical subject and which the object. Processing costs are enhanced when neither formal cues nor animacy contrasts are available in a transitive sentence. We present an ERP study on the comprehension of grammatical transitive German sentences, manipulating animacy contrasts between subjects and objects as well as the verbal case marking pattern. Our study shows strong object animacy effects even in the absence of violations, and in addition suggests that this effect of object animacy is modulated by the verbal case marking pattern.


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