WOMEN'S RIGHTS AND ROLES: ATTITUDES AMONG BLACK AND WHITE STUDENTS

1990 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM T. BAILE
1990 ◽  
Vol 66 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1143-1146 ◽  
Author(s):  
William T. Bailey ◽  
N. Clayton Silver ◽  
Kathleen A. Oliver

Author(s):  
Linda M. Grasso

This chapter compares two 1915 issues of The Crisis and The Masses that focused on women’s suffrage as a way of identifying similarities, differences, and cross-periodical dialogues between black and white justice-seeking communities, both of which deemed advocating women’s suffrage important to their projects and audiences. The Crisis and The Masses spoke to gender-integrated audiences, included women as editors and contributors, and created public spaces for protest, outrage, and affirmation that countered dominant culture beliefs. Focusing on their words, images, argumentation, and advertisements, this study situates these two special issues in the contexts of debates about women’s suffrage, women’s rights, and feminism, as well as within the fraught conflicts between the nineteenth-century abolitionist and Black freedom movements and the women’s rights movement. Comparing the contents of both issues makes clear that considering race in gendered radicalism and gender in race radicalism are essential when examining suffrage media rhetoric.


2018 ◽  
pp. 147-192
Author(s):  
Nancy A. Hewitt

In 1849, Harriet Jacobs joined Posts’ household after Nell returned to Boston, and Sojourner Truth befriended Amy in 1851. The Posts invited black and white friends to their home, and Amy helped organize an interracial dinner during a WNYASS convention. Still aiding a flood of fugitive slaves, the Posts became increasingly involved in woman’s rights, spiritualism, temperance, and the Congregational Friends. Susan B. Anthony settled in Rochester in 1849 and joined Amy in woman’s rights and temperance efforts. As Isaac became absorbed in spiritualism, Amy travelled to antislavery and woman’s rights conventions, visited William Nell in Boston, and toured fugitive communities in Canada. While honing her skills as a conductor across movements, Post also confronted her limits. In 1849 Julia Griffiths arrived from Scotland to aid Douglass’s work. More attracted to political abolitionism and affluent supporters than to radical activists, Griffiths nonetheless hoped to gain Post’s support. Instead, as Douglass grew closer to Griffiths, he became more critical of Post. The gulf widened when Griffiths organized the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society and Douglass embraced political abolitionism. Still, Post remained close with Nell, Jacobs, and Truth, who shared her spiritualist and women’s rights views as well as her radical abolitionism.


1999 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Molnar

Freud's translation of J.S. Mill involved an encounter with the traditions of British empirical philosophy and associationist psychology, both of which go back to Locke and Hume. The translation of Mill's essay on Plato also brought Freud into contact with the philosophical controversy between the advocates of intuition and faith and the advocates of perception and reason. A comparison of source and translated texts demonstrates Freud's faithfulness to his author. A few significant deviations may be connected with Freud's ambiguous attitude to women's rights, as advocated in the essay The Enfranchisement of Women. Stylistically Freud had nothing to learn from Mill. His model in English was Macaulay, whom he was also reading at this period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi E. Rademacher

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.


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