Coercion in the Cradle

Important recent research highlights the role of forced labor in the expansion of neoliberal capitalism in the global South. In this article I make the case that coerced labor was central to the first industrial revolution, the classical case of Great Britain. I demonstrate that in an area known as the Black Country for its coal, steel, and related industries, master and servant laws allowed criminal prosecution of workers deemed problematic, to insure labor control in the workplace. Employers relied on these laws when they were unable to use machinery to embed control in the labor process, and when they had recourse to reliable local courts (or petty sessions), in which many were magistrates, so they could rely on convictions under summary jurisdictions for fines, damage payment, and incarceration. I conclude by suggesting that this particular historical case can reorient our perspective on labor coercion and the law across the long arc of modern capitalism.

Gender-Focused Bilateral Aid in the Environmental Sector

According to feminist political ecology, women are uniquely and disproportionately affected by forest loss in many low- or middle-income countries (LMICs) because of gender divisions with regard to labor, land access, and forest resources. However, most macro-comparative theories of development (including economic dependency, ecological modernization, treadmill of production, world society, and neo-Malthusian theories) tend to ignore gender. We draw on ideas from feminist political ecology to examine how gender-focused bilateral aid in the environmental sector impacts forest loss from 2001 to 2015. To do so, we analyze data for 79 LMICs using ordinary least squares regression. We find that more gender-focused bilateral aid in the environmental sector is related to less forest loss. We also find support for economic dependency theory (more agricultural and forestry exports are related to more forest loss) and neo-Malthusian theory (more population growth is related to more forest loss). The main finding on bilateral financing supports the idea that gender should receive more attention in cross-national research, especially the integration of gender-related measures into analyses to refine and expand conventional macro-theories of development.

Recasting the Treadmills of Production and Destruction

We revisit and recast two prominent theories of environmental degradation: the treadmill of production and the treadmill of destruction. This recasting is guided by critical realism, focused on theorizing generative mechanisms that produce and shape empirical events. Our theorization is informed by Marxist and Weberian insights into environmental sociology contributions. In this critical realist recasting, the treadmill of production and the treadmill of destruction are conceived of as generative mechanisms. A treadmill refers to a process in which powerful organizations appropriate nature to amass power and capital. These organizations degrade the environment, and they suppress and distort information about the environmental damage they cause. The macrosocial context, the organizations at the center of them, and the elites that command these organizations make these treadmills distinct. A treadmill spans the biophysical and the social/cultural realms. Whereas the biophysical is necessary for the social/cultural realm to exist, it exists independent of human knowledge of this realm. As such, historical contingency and social change are at the center of analysis when studying the waxing, waning, transformation, and demise of treadmills. Adopting a critical realist stance, future theorization and research can and should engage a wide range of theories advanced in environmental sociology. The goal is not to establish the single best unitary theory, but to identify and gain insight into the generative mechanisms that shape and constrain human interactions with the environment.

Authority Structures and Single-Party Dominance in Indigenous Communities in Taiwan

Researchers have demonstrated that local institutional contexts such as organizational networks and leadership cohesion explain the lasting support across developing countries for elite parties originating from former authoritarian regimes. But variation in the emergence of party competition in rural underprivileged populations that were once strong supporters of the regime party requires a thorough examination of local power structures. Analysis of aboriginal societies in Taiwan, based on interviews and ethnographic research, demonstrates that the type of authority structure guides how power relations organize communities and how local elites attain their status. In indigenous communities where inherited hierarchy determines social prestige, chiefs and headmen have retained control of contemporary politics. In contrast, in villages without preexisting hierarchies, big men need to build political influence on personal grounds, which creates room for contestation and the emergence of internal competition for political allegiance. Regression analyses provide further support for these findings and imply that authority structures mediate local communities’ linkage with the party and the state during democratization.

The Gender System and Class Mobility

It is often assumed that improvements in household wealth are associated with greater gender equality, including greater women’s autonomy and decision-making power inside the home. Yet, evidence often shows the opposite: greater household wealth often curtails women’s autonomy. Research has yet to reveal the driving forces behind this surprising finding. This paper focuses on one important social force, the community gender system, to show how it shapes the relationship between changing household wealth and women’s autonomy. Drawing on a nationally representative panel of rural women in India and fixed effects models, I find that the prevalence of women’s veiling at the village level, a notable marker of an exclusionary gender system, moderates the effects of increasing household wealth on women’s autonomy. In villages with less veiling, increases in wealth have the perverse effect of suppressing women’s autonomy. The study suggests that in these places, households curtail women’s mobility because such behavior signals rising social status. In contrast, in villages with more veiling increasing household wealth does not reduce women’s autonomy because most households across the class spectrum are already conforming to the norms of seclusion. The findings demonstrate how new wealth interacts with a community gender system which is anchored in gendered notions of family honor to reproduce structures of gender inequality.

Coercive Capitalism

Coercive capitalism is development based on the use of force to dispossess either land or labor. Early macrosociologists, both functionalist and conflict-oriented, believed that feudal systems were based on the use of force but that capitalism is based on coercion-free free markets. Wallerstein argued that coercive capitalism exists in the periphery of world systems. We argue that coercion is endemic to all capitalism. Much of the land on which capitalism is based, including all of the Western Hemisphere, was seized from aboriginal populations. Land seizure was common in historic Europe. Forced labor existed until very recently in both bound apprenticeships and prison work crews. Coercion is used extensively in land acquisition for contemporary capitalism. It can take the form of legal sanctions exerted against the defenseless, or the use of paramilitaries and gangsters to exert pressure on the landholding poor.

Financialization and Wage Inequality in Urban China

The growth of wage inequality during a period of rapid economic development and reform in China raises questions about the nature of economic stratification in contemporary Chinese society. The most prominent explanation is that the transition to a market economy contributed to the growth of wage inequality by increasing the returns to human capital and skill in China. However, recent research suggests that the labor market in China is highly segmented across economic sectors because of preferential state investment and reform of strategic sectors. We contend that the growth and prominence of the financial sector in China empowered financial labor to obtain greater compensation, which created a wage premium in the sector. Drawing on nationally representative data on Chinese urban households, we test this argument by estimating adjusted wage differentials between financial and non-financial sectors across the distribution of earnings since the late 1980s. Estimates show that a wage premium emerged in the mid-1990s for low, median, and high earners in the financial sector. Over the next two decades, wage disparities within the financial sector increased as the wage premium shrank for low earners in the sector while expanding for high earners in the sector. We find that this dynamic is explained by growing occupational stratification in the financial sector, where the wage premium greatly expanded for the highest-paid managers and executives. Overall, this study extends the literature on contemporary economic inequality in China by identifying how excessive compensation among top earners in the financial sector contributed to wage inequality.

Trade and Health

Prior reviews have discussed the potential relationship between global economic integration and smoking prevalence, but for the most part, these non-empirical studies have only offered speculative observations. This cross-national study employs two-way fixed effects regression models and a three-way interaction to test whether integration into the global economy, measured as imports (% of GDP), affects male and female smoking prevalence across country income groups (developed vs. less developed nations) and time from 2000 to 2015. We observe that the effect of global economic integration on female smoking prevalence increased in magnitude over time in both income groups, but we see no such effect on male smoking prevalence. The effect does not differ by income group. We conclude by discussing the theoretical implications of our findings, along with policy recommendations.

Latin American Cities

We summarize the history of Latin American urbanization with a focus on the evolution of cities from the colonial and post-colonial eras to the adoption of the import-substitution model of development and its subsequent replacement by a neoliberal adjustment model. Consequences for the urban system of both import-substitution and neoliberal policies are examined, with a focus on the evolution of the urban population and trends in several strategic areas. We examine indicators of unemployment and informal employment; poverty and inequality; and urban crime and victimization rates as they evolved from the import-substitution era to the implosion of the neoliberal model that replaced it in the early twenty-first century. The consequences for cities of the disastrous application of this model are summarized as a prelude to the analysis of more recent trends. Based on the latest statistical indicators available, we document a significant decline in unemployment and economic inequality in six Latin American nations that jointly comprise 80 percent of the population of the region. Employment in the informal sector also declined steadily, although it still comprises a large proportion of Latin American labor markets. Consequences of this situation for the citizenry and alternative government policies to address it are discussed.

A Cross-National Examination of Food Insecurity and Gender Equality

Women’s equality has been positively linked to household food security in many countries. Since women still do the bulk of food labor, women’s empowerment can lead to an increase in the allocation of resources toward food, improving food security. However, we do not know how country-level laws of gender equality intersect with household-level actions. This study examines household food insecurity from a cross-national and multilevel perspective. I explore the relationship between gender inequality (in terms of both opinions and laws) and household food insecurity. I use household data from the World Values Survey, Wave 6, collected in 2010 through 2014. The analytic sample includes 42 countries and 37,152 individuals. My country-level data come from the World Bank and the Social Institutions and Gender Index. I find that positive measures of women’s empowerment at the household level reduce a household’s likelihood of food insecurity. Surprisingly, I find that country-level policies do not always create the intended outcomes of increased equality. Legal equality between men and women at the country level (financial, legal, and land ownership) does not have a direct relationship with food insecurity. However, legal equality moderates the relationship between food insecurity and country-level variables (agricultural exports and urbanization) and household-level variables (income). The research suggests that the inclusion of gender equality complicates development theory.