Morpho-semantic processing in Chinese word recognition: An ERP study

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 296
Author(s):  
Simin ZHAO ◽  
Yan WU ◽  
Tianhong LI ◽  
Qingtong GUO
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (04) ◽  
pp. 657-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
TON DIJKSTRA ◽  
ALEXANDER WAHL ◽  
FRANKA BUYTENHUIJS ◽  
NINO VAN HALEM ◽  
ZINA AL-JIBOURI ◽  
...  

The computational BIA+ model (Dijkstra & Van Heuven, 2002) has provided a useful account for bilingual word recognition, while the verbal (pre-quantitative) RHM (Kroll & Stewart, 1994) has often served as a reference framework for bilingual word production and translation. According to Brysbaert and Duyck (2010), a strong need is felt for a unified implemented account of bilingual word comprehension, lexical-semantic processing, and word production. With this goal in mind, we built a localist-connectionist model, called Multilink, which integrates basic assumptions of both BIA+ and RHM. It simulates the recognition and production of cognates (form-similar translation equivalents) and non-cognates of different lengths and frequencies in tasks like monolingual and bilingual lexical decision, word naming, and word translation production. It also considers effects of lexical similarity, cognate status, relative L2-proficiency, and translation direction. Model-to-model comparisons show that Multilink provides higher correlations with empirical data than both IA and BIA+ models.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 314-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Locke ◽  
John W. Deck

Eight aphasic and eight brain-damaged nonaphasie patients silently "read" a short passage while performing an internal search for specified consonant letters of varying phonological and syntactic salience. The nonaphasie patients showed the phonological and syntactic effects customarily achieved by normal readers. For example, they were more likely to find a letter if it were pronounced than if it were silent, and they were more likely to find a letter if it were in a content word than in a function word. The aphasics had reliable phonological effects hut no observable syntactic effects. Those aphasics with relatively large phonological effects performed better on a separate task requiring the oral reading of isolated words. For reading theory, the primary message from this study is that phonological recoding may occur between word recognition and the completion of semantic analysis, and that recoding may not by itself be sufficient to reading for meaning. For aphasia theory, the main implication of this study is that aphasics read by applying the appropriate phonological strategies, but that such strategies are limited in the face of ineffective syntactic and semantic processing, as occurs in aphasia.


1999 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 535-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Päivi Helenius ◽  
Riitta Salmelin ◽  
Elisabet Service ◽  
John F. Connolly

The combined temporal and spatial resolution of MEG (magnetoencephalography) was used to study whether the same brain areas are similarly engaged in reading comprehension in normal and developmentally dyslexic adults. To extract a semantically sensitive stage of brain activation we manipulated the appropriateness of sentence-ending words to the preceding sentence context. Sentences, presented visually one word at a time, either ended with a word that was (1) expected, (2) semantically appropriate but unexpected, (3) semantically anomalous but sharing the initial letters with the expected word, or (4) both semantically and orthographically inappropriate to the sentence context. In both subject groups all but the highly expected sentence endings evoked strong cortical responses, localized most consistently in the left superior temporal cortex, although additional sources were occasionally found in more posterior parietal and temporal areas and in the right hemisphere. Thus, no significant differences were found in the spatial distribution of brain areas involved in semantic processing between fluent and dyslexic readers. However, both timing and strength of activation clearly differed between the two groups. First, activation sensitivity to word meaning within a sentence context began about 100 msec later in dyslexic than in control subjects. This is likely to result from affected presemantic processing stages in dyslexic readers. Second, the neural responses were significantly weaker in dyslexic than in control subjects, indicating involvement of a smaller or less-synchronous neural population in reading comprehension. Third, in contrast to control subjects, the dyslexic readers showed significantly weaker activation to semantically inappropriate words that began with the same letters as the most expected word than to both orthographically and semantically inappropriate sentence-ending words. Thus, word recognition by the dyslexic group seemed to be qualitatively different: Whereas control subjects perceived words as wholes, dyslexic subjects may have relied on sublexical word recognition and occasionally mistook a correctly beginning word for the one they had expected.


2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 797-809 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fan Cao ◽  
Danling Peng ◽  
Li Liu ◽  
Zhen Jin ◽  
Ning Fan ◽  
...  

1994 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Connolly ◽  
Natalie A. Phillips

An event-related brain potential (ERP) reflecting the acoustic-phonetic process in the phonological stage of word processing was recorded to the terminal words of spoken sentences. The peak latency of this negative-going response occurred between 270 and 300 msec after the onset of the terminal word. The independence of this response (the phonological mismatch negativity, PMN) from the ERP component known to be sensitive to semantic violations (N400) was demonstrated by manipulating sentence endings so that phonemic and semantic violations occurred together or separately. Four conditions used sentences that ended with (1) the highest Cloze probability word (e.g., “The piano was out of tune.”), (2) a word having the same initial phoneme of the highest Cloze probability word but that was, in fact, semantically anomalous (e.g., “The gambler had a streak of bad luggage.”), (3) a word having an initial phoneme different from that of the highest Cloze probability word but that was, in fact, semantically appropriate (e.g., “Don caught the ball with his glove.”), or (4) a word that was semantically anomalous and, therefore, had an initial phoneme that was totally unexpected given the sentence's context (e.g., “The dog chased our cat up the queen”). Neither the PMN nor the N400 was found in the first condition. Only an N400 was observed in the second condition while only a PMN was seen in the third. Both responses were elicited in the last condition. Finally, a delayed N400 occurred to semantic violations in the second condition where the initial phoneme was identical to that of the highest Cloze probability ending. Results are discussed with regard to the Cohort model of word recognition.


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