scholarly journals NEW OR TRANSFORMED: DESIGN APPROACHES OF ANTAKYA HOUSES IN THE FRENCH MANDATE PERIOD

2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mert Nezih Rifaioğlu
Keyword(s):  
French Mandate

scholarly journals Karel Hansa: the Czechoslovak Traveller in Syria and Lebanon in 1922 and His Work for the Benefit of Armenian Genocide Survivors

2021 ◽  
pp. 7-31
Author(s):  
Jiří Cukr ◽  
Marek Jandák
Keyword(s):  
Near East ◽  
Humanitarian Aid ◽  
Living Conditions ◽  
Armenian Genocide ◽  
Humanitarian Organizations ◽  
Limited Success ◽  
French Mandate

In 1922, the Czechoslovak traveller Karel Hansa visited the French Mandate for Syria and Lebanon, where he became acquainted with the lamentable living conditions and pitiful experiences of the survivors of the Armenian Genocide. He was deeply impressed by the work of Western humanitarian organizations, especially the American Near East Relief. This experience led Hansa to decide to write, lecture and try to organise humanitarian aid for Armenian orphans in Czechoslovakia, although his humanitarian efforts had only limited success.

scholarly journals A Transnational Dialogue from the Arab-Argentine Immigrant Press

1970 ◽  
pp. 5-9
Author(s):  
María del Mar Logroño Narbona
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Middle Eastern Women ◽  
French Mandate

Beyond the geographical borders of the Middle East, discourses and debates about Middle Eastern women played an important role in the Arabic immigrant press inthe Mahjar (diaspora). This article explores the particular case of al-Istiklaal in the final moments and aftermath of the Great Syrian Revolt, “the largest, longest, andmost destructive of the Arab Middle Eastern revolts” (Provence, 2005, p. 12). From its first issue in June 1926 until late 1929, this Arab-Argentine newspaper systematically attacked the French Mandate and advocated for an independent Syria and Lebanon, which should be part of a larger pan-Arab political entity.

scholarly journals Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East

2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-128
Author(s):  
Kamran Asghar Bokhari
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Cultural Dynamics ◽  
Senior Lecturer ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The University

Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of national­ism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime dis­cussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pes­simism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civiliza­tion and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

Introduction

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Randa Nucho
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Religious Organizations ◽  
Transnational Organizations ◽  
French Mandate

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book reexamines sectarianism as a process, as opposed to an essentialized or primordial identity, through a focus on the urban infrastructures and services provided and managed, in part, by institutions affiliated with sectarian parties and religious organizations, as well as municipalities and transnational organizations. It builds on the careful work of scholars who situate the production of sectarianism in Lebanon as a modern social and political phenomenon that is dynamic and processual. The remainder of the chapter discusses the “roots” of sectarianism from the Ottoman Empire to the French mandate, Armenians in Lebanon, the making of an Armenian public sphere in Bourj Hammoud, and the civil war of 1975–90 and its aftermath.

A Tale of Four and a Half Cities, 1900–1950

The Great Sea ◽  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Abulafia
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Population ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
World War ◽  
Port Cities ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Nationalist Sentiment ◽  
First World

From a Mediterranean perspective, the First World War was only part of a sequence of crises that marked the death throes of the Ottoman Empire: the loss of Cyprus, Egypt, Libya, the Dodecanese, then the war itself with the loss of Palestine to British control, soon followed by a French mandate in Syria. All these changes had consequences, sometimes drastic, in the port cities where different ethnic and religious groups had coexisted over the centuries, notably Salonika, Smyrna, Alexandria and Jaffa. At the end of the war, the Ottoman heartlands were carved up between the victorious powers, and even Constantinople swarmed with British soldiers. The sultan was immobilized politically, providing plenty of opportunities for the Turkish radicals, in particular Mustafa Kemal, who had acquitted himself with great distinction fighting at Gallipoli. Allied mistrust of the Turks was compounded by public feeling: the mass deportation of the Armenians in spring and summer 1915 aroused horror among American diplomats based in Constantinople and Smyrna. Marched across the Anatolian highlands in searing heat, with harsh taskmasters forcing them on, men, women and children collapsed and died, or were killed for fun, while the Ottoman government made noises about the treasonable plots that were said to be festering among the Armenians. The intention was to ‘exterminate all males under fifty’. The worry among Greeks, Jews and foreign merchants was that the ‘purification’ of Anatolia would not be confined to persecution of the Armenians. In its last days, the Ottoman government had turned its back on the old ideal of coexistence. In Turkey too, as the radical Young Turks often revealed, powerful nationalist sentiment was overwhelming the tolerance of past times. Smyrna survived the war physically intact, with most of its population protected from persecution, partly because its vali, or governor, Rahmi Bey, was sceptical about the Turkish alliance with Germany and Austria, and understood that the prosperity of his city depended on its mixed population of Greeks, Armenians, Jews, European merchants and Turks. When he was ordered to deliver the Armenians to the Ottoman authorities, he temporized, though he had to despatch about a hundred ‘disreputables’ to an uncertain fate.

Mandating the Mahjar

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-159
Author(s):  
Stacy D. Fahrenthold
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Communities ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
French Authority

This chapter analyzes Lebanon’s census of 1921 and argues that the French Mandate counted emigrants to bolster the confessional system it was building in Greater Lebanon (Grand Liban). As the Mandate’s first point of contact with its colonial citizens, census-taking was a means of refracting French authority into the transnational Lebanese communities. The Mandate used census records in lieu of a formal Lebanese nationality, making optional registration a deeply politicized act among Lebanese and Syrian migrant communities in the Americas. For some, being counted was the first act of a new Lebanese citizenship; for others, it was intolerable sublimation beneath the colonial yoke. The French Mandate used the census to domesticate the diaspora, to parse friend from foe, and to cut ties with perceived troublemakers.

scholarly journals ON THE JESUIT-MARONITE PROVENANCE OF LEBANON'S CRIMINALIZATION OF HOMOSEXUALITY

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 380-406
Author(s):  
Ivan Strenski
Keyword(s):  
Moral Theology ◽  
Penal Code ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Moral Thinking ◽  
Jesuit Missions ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
Penal Codes

AbstractArticle 534 of the Lebanese Penal Code, effectively, criminalizes homosexual practices. Most commentators have claimed that its existence in modern Lebanon is a “colonial relic,” specifically of the French Mandate, 1920–1946. But since 1791, French penal codes have not criminalized same-sex relations. I argue, instead, that Article 534 was the product of native religious, legal, and moral thinking among the Maronites, reinforced by the Thomistic and post-Tridentine moral theology taught in Lebanon by the Jesuit missions. Thomistic and post-Tridentine moral theology classified same-sex relations as worthy of condemnation as “unnatural acts”—the same language used in Article 534. Therefore, as a product of Lebanese political and religious sectarianism, Article 534 is a specific case of a congenial collaboration of Jesuit moral theology and a conservative Maronite ethical and legal koine.

scholarly journals LEBANON’S NATIONAL IDENTITY: WALKING BETWEEN RAINDROPS?

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
Hannah Stewart
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
First Century ◽  
French Mandate ◽  
History Of ◽  
Twenty First Century

As the Levant continues to roil in upheaval in this second decade of the twenty-first century, Lebanon, a state notorious for its history of communal dissensions, remains remarkably stable, advancing a splendid model--albeit an uneasy model--of inter-communal coexistence. Lebanon’s history as a refuge for persecuted minorities and an entrepôt of international trade, in some ways, fostered a unique culture of openness and tolerance making it an “oddity” in its neighbourhood, and contributing to the formation of what can be termed a “distinct Lebanese identity.” A glance at Lebanon’s languages, traditions, history, and culture of power-sharing, suggests that despite periods of violence, patterns of coexistence among Lebanon’s various groups have developed organically, and often logically, since the French Mandate period, and can perhaps offer a model for emulation in a Levant of fractious ethnic mosaics.

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