Introduction

Author(s):  
Joanne Randa Nucho

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book reexamines sectarianism as a process, as opposed to an essentialized or primordial identity, through a focus on the urban infrastructures and services provided and managed, in part, by institutions affiliated with sectarian parties and religious organizations, as well as municipalities and transnational organizations. It builds on the careful work of scholars who situate the production of sectarianism in Lebanon as a modern social and political phenomenon that is dynamic and processual. The remainder of the chapter discusses the “roots” of sectarianism from the Ottoman Empire to the French mandate, Armenians in Lebanon, the making of an Armenian public sphere in Bourj Hammoud, and the civil war of 1975–90 and its aftermath.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Amin Ghadimi

This article reveals how Japanese anti-regime rebels in the mid-1870s deployed news of the Ottoman Empire and the Russo-Turkish War of 1877 in a burgeoning national public sphere to justify and encourage violent revolution against the Meiji government. It focuses especially on commentary in Hyōron shinbun and its successor publications Chūgai hyōron and Bunmei shinshi, short-lived radical newspapers linked to what became the Kagoshima and Kumamoto rebel factions in the Japanese civil war of 1877. Anti-government agitators drew from French and American theory and history and constructed Turkey as a hidebound violator of freedom and civil rights, casting the Turkish case as a parable for what would befall the Meiji government, supposedly a similar wielder of despotism. They inveighed at the same time against European powers for seizing on “Asian” weakness to expand their empires in Asia. Newspapers thus produced a sense of global simultaneity, intimating to readers that they lived in the same empirical moment as people across the world, but as they constructed this empirical simultaneity, they produced also a sense of theoretical nonsynchronicity, in which the histories of some nations acted as the futures of others. Violent revolution, the journalists suggested, provided the best means of reconciling these dual temporalities of global time.


Experiment ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-181
Author(s):  
Azade-Ayse Rorlich

Abstract The Great Reform era in Russia, as well as the modernist movements in the Ottoman Empire and other Muslim lands represent the background against which the Muslims of the Russian Empire engaged in the scrutiny of the reasons behind the backwardness of their societies and began advocating the compatibility of Islam with modernity. After 1906, the Muslim press became the most important instrument in the creation of the public sphere where issues of tradition and modernity were debated. This essay focuses on the Tatar satirical journal Yalt-Yolt to explore its contribution to the critique of the old Muslim mentalité, as well as its role as an instrument of modernity.


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

This introductory chapter reveals that a nationwide contentious public sphere has emerged in China. It is an unruly sphere capable of generating issues and agendas not set by the Chinese state, as opposed to a sphere mostly orchestrated and constrained by said state. Over time, China's contentious public sphere has been increasingly recognized by the Chinese state as a force to be reckoned and negotiated with. Starting around 2010, official media of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as the People's Daily, began to warn of a threatening public sphere mediated by cell phones, the Internet, and even some unruly voices within state-controlled media. The state's awareness of these developments, however, means that one must not overstate the stability or permanence of the newly emerged contentious public sphere. Indeed, this provocative public arena has encountered serious opposition and setbacks, particularly since 2013. Seeing the rise of such a sphere as a threat to national security and an indication of ideological struggle between the West and China, the Chinese state has taken comprehensive and combative measures to contain it.


Author(s):  
Oliver H. Creighton ◽  
Duncan W. Wright ◽  
Michael Fradley ◽  
Steven Trick

This introductory chapter outlines the historiography of the reign of King Stephen (1135–54), highlighting how study has been dominated by documentary history while archaeological and other material evidence has played a marginal role. It identifies landmark studies of the period, summarises the principal chroniclers that cover Stephen’s reign and discusses charters as another cornerstone of the evidence base. A major debate has centred on whether or not the period should continue to be styled as ‘the Anarchy’, with scholars taking maximalist and minimalist views of the violence and disturbances of the period. The final part of the chapter explains the approach and structure of the volume: after a chronological outline of the civil war (Chapter 2), the book covers conflict landscapes and siege warfare (Chapter 3), castles (Chapter 4), artefacts and material culture (Chapter 5), weaponry and armour (Chapter 6), the church (Chapter 7), settlements and landscape (Chapter 8), and a detailed case study of the fenland campaigns (Chapter 9), while Chapter 10 presents a self-contained concluding essay that reflects on what the material evidence can and cannot us about the conflict and its consequences.


Author(s):  
Linda Steiner

This chapter use theories of status politics (conflicts as proxies for important debates over the deference paid to a particular group’s lifestyle) to show the importance of nineteenth-century suffragists’ own newspapers and magazines to the movement. The women who wrote for, edited, and published these outlets essentially invented and then celebrated at least four different versions of a new political woman and then proceeded to dramatize that new woman, showing how she named herself, dressed, dealt with her family, and interacted in the larger public sphere, and showing why she deserved the vote. The pre-Civil War suffrage periodicals essentially proposed a “sensible woman” while the postwar period saw competition between the “strong-minded” women aggressively promoted in the Revolution and the more moderate “responsible women” advocated by the Woman’s Journal. Later, the Woman’s Era dramatized an “earnest” new black woman.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Olivier Roy

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the debate over Europe's Christian identity. Since the Treaty of Rome, there have been two significant developments for Christianity in Europe. First, secularization has given way to the large-scale dechristianization of European societies in both religious and cultural terms, especially from the protests of 1968 onwards. Second, Islam has arrived in Europe, through immigration and, with Turkey's application for membership of the EU, the proposed expansion of the continent's borders. Thus, the debate over Europe's Christian identity does not rest on a binary opposition between Europe and Islam, but on a triangle whose three poles are: (1) the Christian religion; (2) Europe's secular values (even if they occasionally make reference to a Christian identity); (3) Islam as a religion. However, the debate over Islam are much deeper questions about the very nature of Europe and its relationship to religion in general. The notion that Europe would be fine if only Islam or immigration did not exist is, of course, an illusion. There is a serious crisis surrounding European identity and the place of religion in the public sphere, as can be seen both in Christian radicalization over the issues of abortion and same-sex marriage, and in secular radicalization over religious slaughter and circumcision. This is nothing short of a crisis in European culture.


Author(s):  
Brent M. S. Campney

This introductory chapter decenters a number of common assumptions regarding racial violence by situating it in Kansas during the six and a half decades following the outbreak of the American Civil War. It also examines the limitations of a scholarly focus on lynching and sensationalized violence that centers around the spectacle, and broadens the discussion to include threatened and routine violence as part of the racial paradigm under investigation. Likewise, this chapter positions the usual arena of racial violence away from the South and toward Kansas in the Midwest, and provides a brief overview of the region as it grapples with racial politics and slavery.


2021 ◽  
pp. 74-102
Author(s):  
Ozan Ozavci

As the French expedition came to a disastrous end for France in 1801, a civil war broke out in Egypt. The strife in 1801–11 was not only an early example of the coalescing of global imperial struggles and local animosities, it was also one of the earliest instances of surrogate wars in the Levant. This chapter considers this civil war and its constitutive role in imperialism in the Levant—the imperialism of both British and French, and of both the Ottoman Empire and, in due course, an Albanian soldier in the name of Mehmed Ali. It details Mehmed Ali’s rise as the governor of Egypt in times of this civil war, and how the peculiar circumstances of violence in the 1800s would affect the later phases of the Eastern Question.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
savaş sertel

Located in the Middle East, Syria is an Arab state, whose history goes back to ancient times. One of the oldest civilizations, Egypt is located between the Anatolian and Mesopotamian civilizations. Syria remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for almost 400 years. However, after the WWI, the country went under the French mandate. Syria won its independence in 1946. The country faced several military coups between 1949 to 1970, sometimes one military coup within another one. Some of the coups lasted only one week. In 1970 Hafez al-Assad, who was a member of the Ba’ath Party, took over and started a stable dictatorial era. During the 28 March 1962 coup, one of those undermining the already weak democracy in Syria, the Damascus radio made propaganda all day long praising the coup. In this study, we examine sections of the broadcasts on the Damascus radio, which had become the propaganda means of the 28 March 1962 coup, followed closely by the Turkish Foreign Affairs. In the broadcasts, the coup was praised on the whole, and the reasons for the coup as stated by the military were tried to be dictated upon the public. Moreover, the overthrown government was blamed for treason and serving imperialism. By doing so, they tried to discredit the old regime and emphasized that they were the rescuers and the ally of the public. With statements and propaganda far from being credible, they threatened those who did not obey the curfew and said anyone taking part in demonstrations would be severely punished. In this way, they tried to suppress and intimidate the general public. Thus the so-called populist coup was actually made against the public for the claimed "public welfare".


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