The Syntax of Modified Numerals

Cardinals ◽  
2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Modified Numerals

scholarly journals Comparative modified numerals revisited: scalar implicatures, granularity and blindness to context

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Émile Enguehard
Keyword(s):  
Scalar Implicatures ◽  
Basic Pattern ◽  
Modified Numerals

We present a theory of the pragmatics of comparative modified numerals such as “more than~5”. Our proposal is based on the assumption that they trigger alternatives derived from discrete “granularity scales”. This is sufficient to explain the basic pattern of scalar implicatures from comparative numerals; we then show how extra assumptions of blind exhaustification and QUD uncertainty refine the prediction in that we can explain how and when comparative numerals trigger irrelevance inferences.

Modified numerals

2012 ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Anna Szabolcsi
Keyword(s):  
Modified Numerals

Modified Numerals

2019 ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Rick Nouwen ◽  
Stavroula Alexandropoulou ◽  
Yaron McNabb
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Methods ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Theoretical Point ◽  
Linguistic Context ◽  
Methodological Issues ◽  
Semantics And Pragmatics ◽  
Modified Numerals ◽  
Theoretical Issues

This chapter discusses the use of experimental methods for probing the semantics and pragmatics of numeral modification. Modified numerals, like ‘at least 3’ or ‘more than 2’, are interesting from a theoretical point of view because they give rise to a range of implicature-like inferences depending on the form of the modifier and the immediate linguistic context. The chapter discusses both studies that aim to counter or support existing theoretical proposals in the literature and studies that bring in entirely new theoretical issues. It also reflects on methodological issues in this area.

Phantom readings: the case of modified numerals

2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Marty ◽  
Emmanuel Chemla ◽  
Benjamin Spector
Keyword(s):  
Modified Numerals

scholarly journals Ignorance in context: The interaction of modified numerals and QUDs

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Westera ◽  
Adrian Brasoveanu
Keyword(s):  
Lower Bound ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Context Sensitivity ◽  
Exact Answer ◽  
Processing Cost ◽  
Experimental Semantics ◽  
Semantics And Pragmatics ◽  
Pragmatic Account ◽  
Question Under Discussion ◽  
Modified Numerals

<p>We argue for a purely pragmatic account of the ignorance inferences associated with superlative but not comparative modifiers (at least vs. more than). Ignorance inferences for both modifiers are triggered when the question under discussion (QUD) requires an exact answer, but when these modifiers are used out of the blue the QUD is implicitly reconstructed based on the way these modifiers are typically used, and on the fact that "at least n", but not "more than n", mentions and does not exclude the lower bound "exactly n". The paper presents new experimental evidence for the context-sensitivity of ignorance inferences, and also for the hypothesis that the higher processing cost reported in the literature for superlative modifiers is context-dependent in the exact same way.</p><p>Keywords: superlative vs. comparative modifiers, ignorance inferences, questions under discussion, experimental semantics and pragmatics</p>

scholarly journals Pragmatic inferences with numeral modifiers: Novel experimental data

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 533
Author(s):  
Stavroula Alexandropoulou ◽  
Jakub Dotlacil ◽  
Yaron McNabb ◽  
Rick Nouwen
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
Underlying Mechanism ◽  
Universal Quantifiers ◽  
Modified Numerals

We present two experiments that probe so-called variation effects of modified numerals that appear in the scope of a universal quantifiers (Geurts & Nouwen 2007; Büring 2008). For example, Every street was guarded by at least three policemen suggests that not every street was guarded by the same number of policemen. This kind of variation is similar to inferences observed with epistemic indefinites. We show, however, that indefinites and modified numerals must differ with respect to the underlying mechanism, or, more specifically, with respect to the structure of the set of alternatives that determines the pragmatic inferences. Results from our experiments indicate that the variation effects of modified numerals include the inference of a witness for the lowest number compatible with the modified numeral. We found the same effects for at least as for more than, but the inferences are weaker for the latter.

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