scholarly journals Ignorance in context: The interaction of modified numerals and QUDs

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthijs Westera ◽  
Adrian Brasoveanu

<p>We argue for a purely pragmatic account of the ignorance inferences associated with superlative but not comparative modifiers (at least vs. more than). Ignorance inferences for both modifiers are triggered when the question under discussion (QUD) requires an exact answer, but when these modifiers are used out of the blue the QUD is implicitly reconstructed based on the way these modifiers are typically used, and on the fact that "at least n", but not "more than n", mentions and does not exclude the lower bound "exactly n". The paper presents new experimental evidence for the context-sensitivity of ignorance inferences, and also for the hypothesis that the higher processing cost reported in the literature for superlative modifiers is context-dependent in the exact same way.</p><p>Keywords: superlative vs. comparative modifiers, ignorance inferences, questions under discussion, experimental semantics and pragmatics</p>

Author(s):  
Rick Nouwen ◽  
Stavroula Alexandropoulou ◽  
Yaron McNabb

This chapter discusses the use of experimental methods for probing the semantics and pragmatics of numeral modification. Modified numerals, like ‘at least 3’ or ‘more than 2’, are interesting from a theoretical point of view because they give rise to a range of implicature-like inferences depending on the form of the modifier and the immediate linguistic context. The chapter discusses both studies that aim to counter or support existing theoretical proposals in the literature and studies that bring in entirely new theoretical issues. It also reflects on methodological issues in this area.


2015 ◽  
Vol Vol. 17 no.2 (Graph Theory) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Biniaz ◽  
Prosenjit Bose ◽  
Anil Maheshwari ◽  
Michiel Smid

International audience Given a set $P$ of $n$ points in the plane, where $n$ is even, we consider the following question: How many plane perfect matchings can be packed into $P$? For points in general position we prove the lower bound of &#x230A;log<sub>2</sub>$n$&#x230B;$-1$. For some special configurations of point sets, we give the exact answer. We also consider some restricted variants of this problem.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-150
Author(s):  
Ian Hollenbaugh

Abstract This article seeks to combine the viewpoints of formal semantics and pragmatics, typology, historical linguistics, and philology, in order to give a diachronic overview of the semantic and pragmatic changes observable for the Imperfect indicative within the recorded history Greek. Since its development does not adhere to typologically expected stages of semantic change, I provide a pragmatic account by taking into consideration not only the Imperfect but also the rest of the past-tense system of Greek, namely the Aorist and Perfect. With this holistic approach, I am able to motivate a development that is otherwise typologically anomalous.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Arjan A. Nijk

Abstract This article investigates the semantics and pragmatics of the ‘hortative’ aorist (the aorist indicative in questions with τί οὐ ‘why don't …’) and the ‘tragic’ or ‘performative’ aorist (for example ὤμοσα ‘I swear’). Lloyd argued in 1999 that the tragic aorist is a more polite alternative for the corresponding present (ὄμνυμι ‘I swear’). Recently, he has extended this view to the hortative aorist, suggesting that, for example, τί οὐκ ἐκαλέσαμεν; is a polite alternative for τί οὐ καλοῦμεν; Lloyd argues that the politeness value of the aorist derives from its being a past tense, comparing the so-called ‘attitudinal’ past (as in I wanted to ask you something instead of I want to ask you something). The present article, building on work by Colvin, Bary and Nijk, argues instead that the semantic value of the aorist is purely aspectual in these cases: the hortative and tragic aorists serve to construe the designated event as bounded, while the corresponding present forms serve to construe the designated event as unbounded. An extensive discussion of the evidence for the hortative aorist and present is presented, as well as a case study concerning the aspectual behaviour of the verb ὄμνυμι. Moreover, I argue that the proposed semantic account of the hortative and tragic aorists in terms of aspect can be unified with Lloyd's pragmatic account in terms of politeness: the difference in tone between the present and the aorist can be derived from their respective aspectual values, rather than from their temporal values.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Argyro Katsika ◽  
David Braze ◽  
Ashwini Deo ◽  
Maria Mercedes Piñango

Although Complement Coercion has been systematically associated with computational cost, there remains a serious confound in the experimental evidence built up in previous studies. The confound arises from the fact that lexico-semantic differences within the set of verbs assumed to involve coercion have not been taken into consideration. From among the set of verbs that have been reported to exhibit complement coercion effects we identified two clear semantic classes — aspectual verbs and psychological verbs. We hypothesize that the semantic difference between the two should result in differing processing profiles. Aspectual predicates (begin) trigger coercion and processing cost while psychological predicates (enjoy) do not. Evidence from an eye-tracking experiment supports our hypothesis. Coercion costs are restricted to aspectual predicates while no such effects are found with psychological predicates. These findings have implications for how these two kinds of predicates might be lexically encoded as well as for whether the observed interpolation of eventive meaning can be attributed to type-shifting (e.g., McElree, Traxler, Pickering, Seely, & Jackendoff, 2001) or to pragmatic-inferential processes (e.g., De Almeida, 2004).


2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 701-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangeeta Bansal ◽  
Sujoy Chakravarty ◽  
Bharat Ramaswami

AbstractMuch of the debate between the European and US positions about the labeling of genetically modified (GM) foods has been whether consumers perceive labels as a source of information or as a signal to change behavior. In this paper we provide an experimental framework for examining these roles of information and signaling. While previous studies have focused on the impact of labels on consumer behavior, our interest is also in what happens prior to the expression of aversion to GM-labeled foods. In particular, the experiment design allows the researcher to estimate a lower bound of the informational impact of labels on GM food aversion. The other novel feature of this paper is that, unlike earlier studies, it uses subjects from a developing country.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 526
Author(s):  
Ciyang Qing

This paper focuses on English directional modified numerals up to n, which triggers opposite inference patterns in speaker-uncertainty and authoritative-permission contexts. I propose that these opposite inference patterns are due to pragmatic inference about an unspecified semantic lower bound of up to n, based on its similarities to gradable adjectives and vague characteristics. The value of the semantic lower bound in different contexts is predicted by a general pragmatic principle of interaction between informativity and applicability independently motivated in previous probabilistic models on gradable adjectives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 487-504
Author(s):  
Sunwoo Jeong

The Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP) requires that epistemic modals takewider scope than strong quantifiers such as every or most (von Fintel and Iatridou, 2003). Althoughfairly robust in its realization, a few systemic classes of counterexamples to the ECPhave been noted. Based on these, previous work has argued for two claims: subjective modalsobey the ECP, whereas objective ones don’t (Tancredi, 2007; Anand and Hacquard, 2008); andevery respects the ECP, whereas each violates it (Tancredi, 2007). This paper argues that explicitQuestions Under Discussion (QUDs; Roberts, 1996; Ginzburg, 1996) also systematicallyinfluence the ECP: scopal orderings that provide relevant answers to the given QUDs are preferred,and this tendency can override the ECP. To support this claim, the paper presents anexperimental study. The results corroborate the existence of systematic QUD effects on theECP, and support the view that the ECP is derived from a confluence of various pragmatic andlexical biases.Keywords: Epistemic Containment Principle (ECP), epistemic modals, Question Under Discussion(QUD), quantifiers, scopal ambiguity, experimental semantics.


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