Japanese and the mainland dialects

After a brief discussion on the relationships between modern mainland dialects with the two varieties of Old Japanese, Central Old Japanese and Eastern Old Japanese, the salient features of Standard Japanese are described from the new perspective of grammatical nominalizations. Then cross-dialectal studies are presented on selected topics, centering on case particles and the conclusive/adnominal verbal patterns. Also presented for the first time in English is a reasonably detailed description of the isolated dialect of Hachijō Island, which, like Ryūkyūan, retains many archaic features of Old Japanese.

Hypermetricality and Synchronic Vowel Elision in Hiatus Contexts in Eastern Old Japanese Poetry

This study examines hypermetricality and synchronic vowel elision in hiatus contexts in Eastern Old Japanese poetry, as attested in books 14 and 20 of the Man’yōshū poetry anthology. I argue that the typologically rare V2 elision is the default type of elision in Eastern Old Japanese. In contrast, V1 elision in Eastern Old Japanese is only attested in those cases where the vowel sequences [ia] or [ua] are found in hiatus. For that reason, I argue that the trigger for V1 elision is a maximal increase in sonority from V1 to V2. Cet article traite des phénomènes d’hypermétricalité et d’élision synchronique des voyelles dans des contextes de hiatus dans la poésie en japonais ancien de l’Est, attestés notamment dans les livres 14 et 20 de l’anthologie poétique Man’yōshū. Il est montré que l’élision de V2, typologiquement rare, est le type d’élision par défaut en japonais ancien de l’Est. En revanche, l’élision de V1 en japonais ancien n’est attestée que dans les cas où les séquences vocaliques [ia] ou [ua] apparaissent dans des contextes de hiatus. Pour cette raison, il est montré que l’élision de V1 est due à une augmentation maximale du degré de sonorité de V1 à V2.

Morpheme-Based Rendaku as a Rhythmic Stabilizer in Eastern Old Japanese Poetry

This paper explores the functions of morpheme-based rendaku, or “sequential voicing”, in Eastern Old Japanese poetry, with a focus on its function of maintaining rhythmic stability in poetic verse. It is argued that this function is implemented to avoid a hypermetrical line when no adjacent vowels exist as candidates for synchronic elision. Furthermore, a comparison with synchronic vowel elision is conducted. Based on the results, it is argued that morpheme-based rendaku is preferred to synchronic vowel elision when both are available options for maintaining the rhythmic stability of a line. Linguistic constraints blocking morpheme-based rendaku are also discussed to explain hypermetrical examples with potential, yet unrealized, morpheme-based rendaku.

Foreword

With the present issue of ALA, we are starting the second year in its new incarnation. As the paper is striving to cover the Asian languages in their multiplicity and in the multiplicity of approaches, I am glad to say that this issue offers both, in line with Roman Jakobson’s famous paraphrase “Linguista sum, linguistici nihil a me alienum puto.”Among the six papers in this issue, two papers deal with Japanese, two with Iranian langages, and one each with the language of Ṛgveda and with Arabic. Also, approaches vary from historical phonetics/phonology (paper by John KUPCHIK on the role of rendaku in Eastern Old Japanese poetry) and historical syntax (Tamara DITRICH’s discussion of coordinative particles in Ṛgveda), to typological considerations spannig diachroinc and synchronic views (Yadgar KARIMI’s analysis of the evolution of ergative in Iranian languages). Syncronic approaches comprise pragmatics (Biook BEHNAM and Salam KHALILIAQDAM’s treatment of hedging devices in Kurdish and Robert Michael BIANCHI’s account of the new hybrid language of 3arabizi), and interdisciplinary interpretation of lexis in the light of crosscultural psychology (Márton SZEMEREY’s paper comparing Japanese and Hungarian linguistic resources for expression of emotions).

Proto-Japonic *e and *o in Eastern Old Japanese

In this article I examine the correspondences found between Western Old Japanese high vowels and Eastern Old Japanese midvowels in light of the recent hypotheses concerning the Proto-Japonic vowel system. Correspondences in both the morphology and the lexicon are established and then comparative evidence from several modem Japanese and Ryukyuan dialects is adduced to show that these are instances of retention of Proto-Japonic *e and *o.