Electron-Beam Domain Patterning in Sr0.61Ba0.39Nb2O6 Crystals

The characteristics of electron-beam domain writing (EBDW) on the polar and nonpolar surfaces of the field-cooled (FC) and zero-field cooled (ZFC) Sr0.61Ba0.39Nb2O6 (SBN) crystals are presented in the range of accelerating voltage U from 10 to 25 kV. The exposure characteristics of the domain diameter d and length Ld (when writing on the polar and nonpolar surfaces, respectively) were measured. With increasing exposure time, d tends to a saturation value, whereas Ld grows linearly, the frontal velocity Vf being of 40 μm/s. At U = 25 kV the achieved d and Ld are of 7 and 40 µm, respectively. The observed peculiar features of EBDW—specifically the domain widening with exposure times and the effect of the polarization state of the crystal on the domain stability—are accounted for by the relaxor features inherent to this material. The effects of electron-beam (EB) irradiation on the local hysteresis loops is evidence of a domain fixation.

Three Types of Indefinites in Persian: Simple, Complex, and Antidefinite

This paper investigates three indefinite constructions in Persian: simple (ye-NP), complex (ye-NP-i), and antidefinite (NP-i). It shows that simple indefinites with the determiner ye carry an at-issue existence implication (|NP| ≥ 1), similar to their English counterpart with the indefinite determiner a(n). Complex indefinites with both ye and -i introduce an antisingleton implication (|NP| > 1), similar to Spanish indefinites with algún. Antidefinites with only the clitic -i are a novel category which trigger a projective non-uniqueness implication (|NP| ̸= 1). The paper provides a compositional account in which the antisingleton implication of complex indefinites is derived from the existence implication of the determiner "ye" and the non-uniqueness implication of the clitic "-i". The predictions of this account as well as the pragmatic effects of complex indefinites such as ignorance, indifference, free choice, and domain widening implications are discussed.

On the Licensing of Understating NPIs: Manipulating the domain of degrees for Japanese 'anmari' and 'sonnani'

Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) often have an effect of strengthening the statements which contain them. However, there are also NPIs that contribute to make a weaker claim such as all that (Israel 1996, 2006; van Rooy 2003). I analyze two kinds of such NPIs, namely the degree modifier 'a(n)mari' and 'sonnani' in Japanese, which roughly translate as 'very/much' and '(all) that'. In doing so, two points are considered. First, since the NPIs in question are degree modifiers, I would like to adopt a degree-based semantics and combine it with the idea of domain widening proposed for determiner NPIs such as any. In particular, building on a version of Chierchia’s (2006) framework, I consider domain widening in terms of domains of degrees. Second, to capture the nature of understatement, I refer to the notion of quality-based strengthening, rather than informativity/entailment-based strengthening (Israel 2006; Krifka 1995; van Rooy 2003).

On the Licensing of Understating NPIs: Manipulating the domain of degrees for Japanese 'anmari' and 'sonnani'

Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) often have an effect of strengthening the statements which contain them. However, there are also NPIs that contribute to make a weaker claim such as all that (Israel 1996, 2006; van Rooy 2003). I analyze two kinds of such NPIs, namely the degree modifier 'a(n)mari' and 'sonnani' in Japanese, which roughly translate as 'very/much' and '(all) that'. In doing so, two points are considered. First, since the NPIs in question are degree modifiers, I would like to adopt a degree-based semantics and combine it with the idea of domain widening proposed for determiner NPIs such as any. In particular, building on a version of Chierchia’s (2006) framework, I consider domain widening in terms of domains of degrees. Second, to capture the nature of understatement, I refer to the notion of quality-based strengthening, rather than informativity/entailment-based strengthening (Israel 2006; Krifka 1995; van Rooy 2003).

Broaden Your Views: Implicatures of Domain Widening and the “Logicality” of Language

This article presents a unified theory of polarity-sensitive items (PSIs) based on the notion of domain widening. PSIs include negative polarity items (like Italian mai ‘ever’), universal free choice items (like Italian qualunque ‘any/whatever’), and existential free choice items (like Italian uno qualunque ‘a whatever’). The proposal is based on a ‘‘recursive,’’ grammatically driven approach to scalar implicatures that breaks with the traditional view that scalar implicatures arise via post- grammatical pragmatic processes. The main claim is that scalar items optionally activate scalar alternatives that, when activated, are then recursively factored into meaning via an alternative sensitive operator similar to only. PSIs obligatorily activate domain alternatives that are factored into meaning in much the same way.