Reflexões sobre a intensificação de adjetivos modais epistémicos por 'muito' e 'bem' em Português Europeu

Our research aims to investigate the semantic differences between muito (much/very) and bem (well), as degree modifiers, when applied to modal adjectives. These adjectives, contrary to the qualificative ones, predicate over situations and not individuals. Although these intensifiers, that is, muito and bem, are in some ways similar to each other, they also have several differences, as observed by Quadros Gomes (2011). Previous work (Horn, 1989; Oliveira, 1988; 2000; 2013; Ferreira, 2013; Cantante, 2018; 2020, e.o.) has shown that modal adjectives, like qualificative adjectives, are gradable and, therefore, ordered along a scale. Taking into consideration this similarity between these two types of adjectives, and, also, the differences between muito and bem, the present work aims to explore the scalar behaviour of epistemic modal adjectives, particularly when intensified by these degree modifiers. While investigating the adjectives possível (possible), provável (probable), necessário (necessary) and certo (certain) (the latter being the only adjective located on the top of the scale), this research allowed us to find that, apart from certo, which did not accept to be modified by muito, both these adverbs act by moving the adjectives to higher points of the scale. However, it is not evident, contrary to Quadros Gomes’ claims (2011), that bem has the capacity to put these adjectives on the top of the scale, therefore closing it. It is also important to acknowledge that, although bem moves the adjectives to higher points of the scale – even higher than the movement promoted by muito – this adverb, when modifying modal adjectives, seems to contain a second component to its meaning, which involves a modal evaluation, responsible for emphasizing the degree of certainty of the speaker regarding the situation described in the utterance.

Hyvin edessä, ihan yläpuolella, melkein vierellä – Mitä astemääritteet kertovat akseligrammien semantiikasta

Abstrakti. Projektiiviset grammit (kieliopilliset sanat, esimerkiksi edessä, oikealla, yläpuolella) asemoivat muuttujan (Figure) kolmiulotteiseen koordinaatistoon, jonka suhteutuskohtana on kiintopiste (Ground). Grammeilla on lisäksi skalaarisia merkityksiä, joita voidaan korostaa astemääritteiden avulla. Artikkelissa tarkastellaan suomen projektiivisten grammien esiintymismahdollisuuksia astemääritteiden kanssa, jotka ilmaisevat joko avointa (melko, hyvin) tai sulkeista skaalaa (melkein, aivan). Tarkastelussa erottuu kolme astemääritteen ja grammin yhteisesiintymän päätyyppiä. Tyypissä (1) muuttuja sijaitsee säiliömäisen kiintopisteen (kuten rakennuksen) sisäpuolella. Skalaarinen merkitys perustuu tällöin muuttujan vähenevään etäisyyteen kiintopisteen yhdestä sisärajasta (esimerkiksi seinästä): mitä lähempänä muuttuja sijaitsee rajaa, sitä korkeampi skalaarisuus (Istuin teatterissa melko edessä ~ ihan vasemmalla). Tyypissä (1) esiintyy niin avoimen kuin sulkeisen skaalan astemääritteitä. Kahdessa muussa päätyypissä muuttuja sijaitsee kiintopisteen ulkopuolella, ja skalaarisuus perustuu joko (2) muuttujan ja kiintopisteen välisen etäisyyden vähenemiseen (Auto seisoi ihan ’välittömästi’ oven edessä) tai (3) muuttujan skalaarisesti vähenevään poikkeamaan koordinaatiston jostain akselista (Lamppu riippui melkein ~ täsmälleen ’suoraan’ pöydän yläpuolella). Tyypeissä (2) ja (3) esiintyy vain sulkeisen skaalan astemääritteitä. Abstract. Tuomas Huumo: What degree modifiers reveal about the meaning of Finnish spatial grams? Projective spatial grams (‘in front of’, ‘to the right of’, ‘above’) localize Figure (F) in a three-dimensional coordinate system with Ground (G) as its origin. This paper addresses the compatibility of Finnish projective grams with degree modifiers (DM). DMs comprise two types: a) open-scale DMs (‘somewhat’, ‘rather’, ‘very’) and b) closed-scale DMs (‘almost’, ‘quite’, ‘completely’). Three types of scalar meaning are observed. The first one (1) applies when F is inside G, and the scalar conceptualization is based on a decreasing distance between F and one extremity of the inside of G. In type (1), both open- and closed-scale DMs are felicitous. The two other types concern situations in which F is outside G and the scalar meaning is based on either (2) a decreasing distance between F and G or (3) an increasing preciseness of F’s alignment on an axis. In (2) and (3), only closed-scale DMs are felicitous. Kokkuvõte. Tuomas Huumo: Mida kõnelevad astmemäärused soome keele projektiivsete grammide tähenduse kohta? Projektiivsed grammid (‘ees’, ‘paremal’, ‘kohal’) lokaliseerivad kujundi (Figure) kolmemõõtmelises koordinaatsüsteemis, mille alguspunktiks on taust (Ground). Artiklis analüüsitakse soome keele projektiivsete grammide koosesinemise võimalusi kaht tüüpi astmemäärustega: a) avatud skaala astmemäärused (intensiivsusmäärused, nt ‘natuke’, ‘üsna’, ‘väga’) ja b) suletud skaala astmemäärused (täielikkusastme määrused, nt ‘peaaegu’, ‘täiesti’). Autor eristab kolme astmemääruse ja grammi koosesinemise põhitüüpi. Tüübis (1) asub kujund kolmemõõtmelise tausta seespool. Skalaarne tähendus põhineb kujundi ning tausta siseruumi ühe serva vahelise kauguse vähenemisel: mida lähemal paikneb kujund servale, seda kõrgem on skalaarsus (nt ‘Istusin teatris üsna ees ~ päris vasakul’). Tüübis (1) esinevad nii avatud kui suletud skaala astmemäärused. Ülejäänud kahes tüübis paikneb kujund väljaspool tausta, ning skalaarsus põhineb kas (2) kujundi ja tausta vahelise kauguse vähenemisel (nt ‘Auto seisis peaaegu ~ täitsa ukse ees’) või (3) kujundi asendi väheneval kõrvalekaldel koordinaatsüsteemi teatud teljest (nt ‘Lamp rippus peaaegu ~ täpselt laua kohal’). Tüüpides (2) ja (3) esinevad ainult suletud skaala astmemäärused.

Trends and Recent Change in the Syntactic Distribution of Degree Modifiers: Implications for a Usage-based Theory of Word Classes

This paper examines the syntactic distribution of degree modifiers in both spoken and written English. The results of the empirical case studies show that degree modifiers, both amplifiers (e.g., very, extremely) and downtoners (e.g., quite, pretty), are generally more often used in predication than in attribution, a result that is in line with earlier observations of the distribution of individual modifiers. This synchronic trend is also evident in diachronic developments: corpus data show that the recent frequency increase of intensifying this and that has largely taken place in predication, and the adjectivization of a class of -ed participles (e.g., interested, scared) can also be connected to their frequent co-occurrence with degree modifiers after be. Finally, the connection between degree modifiers and predicative usage has recently become stronger for a subset of modifiers (e.g., so, this, that) due to the decline of the “Big Mess” construction (e.g., so good an idea). From a theoretical perspective, this paper promotes a dynamic, usage-based model of word classes where frequency of use plays a role in categorization. The data investigated in the article are mainly discussed from the perspective of usage-based Construction Grammar, and the theoretical implications of the findings are examined both in light of a more traditional Construction Grammar network model of language and some recent ideas of overlapping word classes.

Degree modifiers and common ground operators: The case of at all

At all is among the most common negative polarity items in English. In this paper, I argue that at all has a dual use as a degree modifier and operator on the common ground. I first present an account of degree modifier at all based on Chierchia 2013 that captures its status as a minimizer as well as an NPI. I then show that a very similar account can be used for at all's common ground usage, departing from the usual quantification over worlds approach for common ground management. This degree-based account of common ground at all captures its status as an NPI and provides a possible shared semantic core between degree modifiers and common ground operators.

Non-canonical Very as a Degree Modifier of NPs in English

The aim of this paper is to investigate the meaning of constructions with a non-canonical use of very inside NPs and to propose a unified formal semantic analysis for the degree modifier very. We adopt the notion of scalar properties and take as a starting point the fact that very is a typical degree modifier that boosts the degree of open-scale adjectives (e.g. tall) (cf. Kennedy & McNally, 2005). In this work, we focus on what we name non-canonical very: the modification of very on NPs (e.g. the very house John lived in). Our methodology consists of three major steps: firstly, we selected sentences with non-canonical very from The British National Corpus. Then, we selected sentences from five American and British novels published in the 19th and 20th centuries, comparing the sentences with their translations into Portuguese. Based on a first analysis of these sentences and on Matthewson’s (2004) methodology, we proceed to controlled elicitation of contexts with the participation of a native-English speaker of Wales. Data collected present definite DPs and complex NPs, what supports a proposal that consider modification of a scale that is closed and contextually dependent. We argue in favor of an analysis that gives a uniform lexical entry to very and assume that the difference on interpretation of canonical and non-canonical modification is due to scalar properties of the modified predicate. Canonical very modifies lexical open scales whereas non-canonical very modifies contextual closed scales of precision and produces an exhaustive interpretation. The study reveals the importance of logical scalar properties for the semantic investigation of degree modifiers.

From twig-skinny to Kate Moss skinny: expressing degree with common and proper nouns

This article provides a constructional (CxG) analysis of N-ADJ compounds in which the noun receives a degree reading (e.g. bullet-straight, Kennedy-handsome). A semantic analysis based on similes and scale matching is provided, and the recent history and increased productivity of the construction are examined in light of data from both the Corpus of Historical American English and a range of present-day corpora. The article introduces new evidence of the increased functional flexibility of both common and proper nouns in English and discusses the ongoing conventionalisation of proper noun degree modifiers in both American English and other varieties of English. The results of the study suggest that the recent introduction of proper noun degree modifiers has been supported by both constructional (semantic) change and macro-trends that have affected English usage more generally.

The changing functions of competing forms: Attraction and differentiation

The relation between functionally similar forms is often described in terms of competition. This leads to the expectation that over time only one form can survive (substitution) or each form must find its unique niche in functional space (differentiation). However, competition cannot easily explain what causes functional overlap or how form-function mappings will be reorganized. It is argued here that the changes which competing forms undergo are steered by various analogical forces. As a result of analogy, competing forms often show attraction, becoming functionally more (instead of less) alike. Attraction can maintain and increase functional overlap in language. At the same time, competing forms are analogically anchored to a broader constructional network. Cases of differentiation typically follow from the relations in that network. Evidence is drawn from the literature and from three corpus-based case studies, addressing attraction and differentiation in English aspectual constructions, English secondary predicate constructions, and in a pair of Dutch degree modifiers. Evidence is provided of a phenomenon competition-based accounts could not predict (attraction), and a solution is offered for one they could not very well explain (differentiation). More generally it is shown that the development of competing forms must be understood against their broader grammatical context.

Adjectival antonyms in discourse: A corpus study of scalar and complementary antonyms

In the structuralist view, the distinction between scalar and complementary adjectival antonyms plays an important role in definitions and classifications of antonyms. Scalar adjectival antonyms are gradable and can be combined with degree modifiers (