Obilježja multikulturalizma i sekularizma u indijskom društvu

In the context of research into the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in contemporary India, this paper points to their specific interrelatedness and the distinctive Indian approach to secularism through the idea of a principled distance as a way to adjust to religious pluralism that has a close affinity with multiculturalism. Contrary to opinions that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation, by a selection of instances through Indian history, the paper illustrates the broader meaning of “Indian” religious and secular thinking and also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, particularly between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. However, the paper focuses on the analysis of Indian constitutional secularism and legally warranted multiculturalism. Debates on multiculturalism follow two distinct directions: the first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system, whereas the second is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, and secularism. It also touches upon the influence of the British colonial rule on the shaping of interreligious relations in independent India. The last section questions the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism, particularly in view of the rise to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014, its appropriation of the new “idea” of India, especially the Hindu nationalist narrative, which endangers India’s official ideology of secularism, as well as the position of the minorities, in particular of the Muslim minority. The article is divided into seven sections. The Introduction outlines, in general, the main distinction between secularism and multiculturalism and their relationship, referring to the two principal approaches to secularism: (1) neutrality between different religions, and (2) prohibition of religious associations in state activities. Indian secularism tends to emphasise neutrality in particular rather than prohibition in general. The second section, Traces of the Indian Secular Thought through History, examines the view, particularly pervasive among Hindutva supporters, that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation from the perspectives of history and philosophy, which both provide evidence that “the constituents of secularism which make up the concept are not alien to Indian thought” (Thapar, 2013: 4). In this context, the most evoked name in connection with religious tolerance is that of Ashoka Maurya, who in his edicts called not only for the co-existence of all religious sects but also for equal respect for those who represented them. Many centuries later, Moghul Emperor Akbar supported dialogue across adherents of different religions, including atheists. He laid the formal foundations of a secular legal structure and religious neutrality of the state. The paper here also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, the more so between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. It focuses on extending the meaning of “Indian” religion in the sense that it includes multiple religions, such as Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism, Bhakti, Shakta, Islam/ Sufism, Guru-Pir tradition, which, but for Brahmanism, challenge orthodoxy by giving greater weight to social ethics rather than to prescriptive religious texts. The third section, Multiculturalism in Indian Context, refers to the Indian legally warranted multiculturalism and relating debates followed by two distinct directions. The first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system; a process which involves the political accommodation of ethnic identities, which remains the most effective method of management and resolution of conflicts. The second direction is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, secularism. According to Rajeev Bhargava (1999: 35, 2007), cultural particularity might undermine the “common foundation for a viable society”, and might also lessen individual freedom, thus invalidating the values of liberal democracy. From there follows the question of constitutional protection of personal laws of religious communities, which is, in a way, in collision with the primary secular identity, that of a citizen (Thapar, 2010, 2013). The fourth section, Characteristics of Indian Secularism, analyses in some detail the Articles of the Indian Constitution concerned with the basic understanding of secularism, i.e., that religion must be separated from the state “for the sake of religious liberty and equality of citizenship.” The analysis indicates that, while some Articles (Indian Constitution, Articles 25–26) depart from the mainstream western secularism, others are close to the Western liberal leanings, like those stipulating that the state will have no official religion (constitutional amendment 42) or that no religious instruction will be allowed in educational institutions maintained wholly out of state funds, as well as that no person attending any educational institution receiving financial aid from state funds shall be required to take part in compulsory attendance at religious instruction or worship (Articles 27–28/1/). But, more specifically, the idea of a principled distance from religious pluralism points to India’s highly contextual, thus distinctively Indian, version of secularism. The fifth section, The Question of Indian Identity, argues that, with the inauguration of democracy in India, multiculturalism was adopted as a policy of recognising and respecting diversity, guaranteeing the protection and rights of minorities and positive discrimination for the historically marginalised, and emphasising intergroup equality, while leaving the issue of intragroup equality somewhat aside. In the last section, Challenges of Hindu Nationalistic Ideology, the author points to some manifestations of the current ascendency of Hindu nationalism, particularly resulting from the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, such as the increasing identification of state leaders with Hindu cultural symbols and, at the same time, decreasing official support for the public festivals of minorities, Mus lims and Christians in the first place. According to Hindu nationalists, most Muslims and Christians are converts from Hinduism and should therefore recognise the precedence of the Hindu culture in India. Anti-Muslim prejudice in India stems not from the ideas of their racial or cultural differences but, above all, from questioning their loyalty to India. Here emerges the question of the “secular nationalism” of the Congress Party as opposed to the “Hindu nationalism” of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which insists on Hinduism as the essential token of the Indian national identity, implying cultural and political pre-eminence of Hindus in India. The Conclusion summarises some of the main points regarding the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in the Indian context, indicating that despite the present challenges that Hindu nationalism poses to both, “…the Indian experience suggests that some form of moderate secularism will continue to remain necessary as a state framework to check the advance of religious majoritarianism” (Bajpai, 2017: 224). The author assumes that the article offers some constructive avenues for future studies on secularism and multiculturalism, which should not only provide further insights into the Indian case but also enhance the understanding of the varieties of secular trajectories worldwide, as well as their implications for democracy.

Broj Hrvata u Crnoj Gori prema popisima stanovništva 1948. – 2011.

The majority of Croats in Montenegro are the native population traditionally living in the Bay of Kotor, the town of Budva and Bar and its surroundings. A minority of them are immigrants or their descendants. As early as during the Austro–Hungarian rule over the Montenegrin coast, and especially during the Yugoslav period, they inhabited the area of today’s Montenegro, mostly its inland towns. This paper primarily aims to present and analyse the size of the Croatian population in Montenegro in general and at the level of its administrative units. To do so, it uses data from the censuses conducted from 1948 to 2011, which recorded national affiliation, among other things. In the context of those censuses, one can argue that, during their conduct, it was possible to declare oneself as a Croat, and that a major share of the population avoided declaring themselves as such although they could, based on their ethnic characteristics. Accordingly, the second aim of the paper was to attempt to determine, in the context of the 2011 census, which is a source of plenty of relevant data, not only the number of declared Croats but also those who were undeclared as such, but could certainly be considered to belong to the same linguistic, religious and cultural community as Croats. For this paper, that wider unit was termed the Slavic Catholic community (Slavic–Catholic), which is already recognised in language as the Central South Slavic area (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro), among other things as a certain “opposite” of the Slavic–Orthodox and Slavic–Muslim communities of the same spatial scope. To better understand the position of Croats in Montenegro, and especially their reluctance to declare Croatian national affiliation, which is more and more evident over time, an integral part of the paper is an appropriate presentation of historical circumstances that have framed their past and present identity positioning. The first data on the presence of Croats in today’s Montenegrin area refers to the period of Slavic settlement of South-east Europe, which took place until the beginning of the 7th century. According to the work of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (945–959), “On the Governance of the Empire”, during their settlement, Croats occupied the former Roman province of Dalmatia (which, according to the author, “started from the surroundings of Durrës and Bar and stretched to the Istrian mountains and to the river Danube in width”), as well as Pannonia and Illyricum. According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, probably written by the (Arch)Bishop of Bar Gregory in the period 1177–1189, upon settlement the Slavs had founded a state, the backbone of which was on the coast, between Istria and today’s northern Albania. According to the Chronicle, that coastal belt was divided into White and Red Croatia, which stretched from Duvanjsko Polje further south. Besides, Byzantine 11th- and 12th-century writers mention Croats and Croatia in the context of the area of today’s Montenegro. However, from the beginning of the 9th century, that is, the point in time from which one can continuously follow the political development in the Adriatic–Dinaric belt, or the area of the former Roman Dalmatia, it is certain that four smaller Slavic principalities existed between the rivers Cetina and Bojana: Neretva, Zahumlje, Travunia and Duklja. In the mid 11th century, Duklja, Travunia and Zahumlje were united into a state at the initiative of the rulers of Duklja. The expanded state of Duklja, ruled by the Vojislavljević dynasty, gained international acknowledgement since the papacy recognised it as a separate kingdom and a strong lever for maintaining its own identity, manifested in the existence of a state religious centre in the form of the Catholic metropolis of Bar. Such circumstances could have suggested the emergence of a much wider state unit, located approximately between the rivers Neretva and Drim on the one side and the Adriatic and the river Tara on the other, which would have implied the formation of an ethnic body. However, events unfolded in a different direction. Since the mid 12th century the state of Duklja had been losing ever more power, completely falling under the ruler of neighbouring Orthodox Serbia at the end of the same century. During that time the Schism of 1054 acquired full significance. The 1204 establishment of the Latin Empire, with its seat in Constantinople, led to a strong polarisation between Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In such conditions, upon establishment of its own church in 1219, the Serbian dynasty of Nemanjić began to carry out mass Orthodoxisation of the Zahumlje and Duklja areas to ensure their loyalty. Primarily exposed to religious conversion were Slavic Catholic people, who, at that time, shared many similarities with the neighbouring Orthodox in the entire area of the Adriatic–Dinaric belt in terms of external manifestations of their Christian identity, significantly marked by the tradition of Cyril and Methodius. Coastal, communal centres in the area of today’s Montenegro, Kotor, Budva and Bar, at the time still largely Romanesque, but eventually Slavicised, and their “belonging” or gravitating Slavic population, as well as the Albanian population located next to gradually Albanianised Ulcinj, along the river Bojana and in Malesia, were left Catholics. The territorial relations between Catholics and Orthodox established at the time have largely remained relevant until modern times. In the area of today’s Montenegro, the Slavic Catholic population was in principle reduced to a distinct minority concentrated in and around the coastal communes. As the Serbian state weakened from the mid 14th century, those communes gradually merged with the western states, and ultimately with the Venetian Republic. They remained under its rule until the end of the 18th century. After that, they were mainly part of the Austrian Kingdom of Dalmatia until 1918. Under those conditions, sharing the social climate with the population of the eastern Adriatic coast, who spoke the same language and shared the same religion, from the mid 19th century the Slavic Catholic population of today’s Montenegrin coast became involved in the processes leading to the constitution of the Croatian nation. The political and social development of the Orthodox population in Montenegro took a different course. By integrating into the de facto Serbian Orthodox Church, they began acquiring Serbian ethnic characteristics. However, given the disintegration of the Serbian state on a part of today’s Montenegrin territory, a new state emerged in the form of Zeta, centred in sub-Lovćen Montenegro and ruled by the Balšić dynasty and the Crnojević dynasty. During the Ottoman rule, which began in the late 15th century, sub-Lovćen Montenegro retained a certain autonomy, which became the basis for the formation of the Montenegrin state close to its current borders in the late 17th century. While the Montenegrin population “remained” in the identity sphere of proto-national Serbs due to Orthodoxy, imbued with the cult of the Nemanjić dynasty, its peculiar development enabled them to acquire own ethnic consciousness. The dichotomy between the Montenegrin and Serbian sense of identity has not been overcome to this day, which is becoming increasingly clear in the division of the Orthodox population between the national Montenegrins and the national Serbs. With the disintegration of Austro–Hungary and the emergence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, that is, Yugoslavia, the Slavic Catholic population in the area of today’s Montenegro found itself permanently separated from the political, or at least administrative framework defined by the Catholic majority, after almost five hundred years. Instead, it became a distinct minority group in an environment that was continuously exposed to strong Serbian influences, even after Montenegro gained independence. Over time, following the processes of migration towards the coast, it also became a minority in settlements where it once represented the only or majority population. Under those conditions, strongly marked by latent or real contradictions in the relations between Croats and Serbs and often radical manifestations of Serbian identity in their environment, for the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro, the declaration of Croatian identity became a kind of burden that not everyone was ready or able to bear. In that context, among other things, it is worth looking at the data presented, which points to a decline in the share of Croats in Montenegro. Equally, attention should be paid to the data from the 2011 census, which indicates a kind of mass declaration of “alternative” forms of ethnicity on the part of the Slavic–Catholic population. According to the first census, the one of 1921, which covered the population of all parts of today’s Montenegro, 313,432 inhabitants lived on its soil, of which between 11,380 and 12,145 were Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community. According to that census, which took no account of the national determinant, but recorded the religious and linguistic ones, the share of members of that community in the total population inhabiting the area of today’s Montenegro was between 3.6% and 3.9%. The censuses after 1945, which, as pointed out, covered the national determinant and were conducted in socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991), Federal Republic of Yugoslavia / the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (1991–2006) and in independent Montenegro (since 2006) recorded the following shares of Croats in Montenegro: 6,808 (in 1948), 9,814 (in 1953), 10,664 (in 1961), 9,192 (in 1971), 6,904 (in 1981), 6,244 (in 1991), 6,811 (in 2003), and 6,021 (in 2011). It is evident from the first censuses that part of the Slavic–Catholics in Montenegro did not declare themselves as Croats. This is primarily the case in Bar and its surroundings, where the declaration of Montenegrin nationality has permanently prevailed. Since 1971, a large number of people formerly declared as Croats began to declare themselves as “Yugoslavs”. Following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, in the 2003 and 2011 censuses, that type of declaration lost significance. However, no “return” to the declaration of Croatian national affiliation occurred, but rather the adoption of Montenegrin identity, rejection of the declaration of nationality, declaration of regional affiliation, etc. The analysis conducted in the context of the 2011 census shows that only a small part of the total Slavic–Catholic community in Montenegro declared themselves as Croats. Basically, only 5,931 people did so, if the total share of Croats (6,021) is reduced by 90 Orthodox who are probably registered as Croats for family reasons. At the same time, 29 Bosnians, 5,667 Montenegrins, 68 Yugoslavs, three Muslims, 569 nationally undeclared persons, 376 regionally declared persons, 112 Serbs and one Serb Montenegrin declared their affiliation with Catholicism. According to the insight into the share of the native Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 1921 and the share of Croats in the 1953–1971 censuses, it can be stated with a high level of certainty that those 6,825 respondents belonged to the Slavic Catholic population. The total share of the Slavic Catholic population in Montenegro in 2011 was larger than the sum of Croats (5,931) and the mentioned 6,825 persons, which amounted to 12,756, given that it should be increased by a certain number of respondents, primarily among Bosnians, Montenegrins, Yugoslavs, nationally undeclared and regionally declared who declared themselves as agnostics, atheists, unidentified Christians or refused to declare their religion. Primarily based on a comparison of the share of such persons within the municipalities of Boka Kotorska (Herceg Novi, Kotor, Tivat), where it is extremely high, with their shares in other Montenegrin municipalities, it could be argued that in 2011, the total share of Croats and other members of the Slavic–Catholic community amounted to approximately 15,000 or 2.4% of the population of Montenegro.

Afrophobic Attacks in Virtual Spaces: The Case of Three Hashtags in South Africa

Contemporary discourse on migration in the Republic of South Africa reveals recurring attacks on foreign nationals over the past decade. Recent literature shows that the attacks have mainly targeted foreign nationals from other African countries. However, this growing literature focuses on physical attacks on foreigners while negating cyberspace ones. This article focuses on attacks on foreign nationals in virtual space. The study sought to answer two research questions: In what way are migration and migrants being portrayed on South African Twitter? In what way are Twitter hashtags being used to perpetuate afrophobia? A study of three hashtags was conducted. The article drew from the scapegoating theory to interrogate tweets on South African Twitter. Data was generated using an online hashtag tracker. A qualitative content analysis of three hashtags (#PutSouthAfricansFirst, #NormaliseHiringSACitizens and #SAHomeAffairsCorruption) was conducted. The study noted the omnipresent view that all black foreigners in South Africa were “illegal immigrants” regardless of their migration status. Besides, black foreigners were stereotyped as criminals. The Department of Home Affairs was viewed as complicit in the influx of illegal immigrants in South Africa through corrupt activities. The tweets also blamed the government for its inability to resolve the problem of illegal immigrants. The study established that hashtags were now the new frontier for afrophobic attacks on black foreigners in South Africa.

Romi u Stupniku: primjer demografskog i socioekonomskog položaja Roma uoči Drugoga svjetskog rata

The paper analyses nine Roma families who lived in Stupnik Municipality; more precisely, in the villages of Žitarka and Razborišće, on the eve of World War II. The research draws from a questionnaire used by the municipal authorities in late August 1939 to survey and register the Roma men and women from those families, seeking to implement a policy of the Banovina authorities aimed at better controlling the migration of Roma people. Nowadays, these files are kept at the State Archives in Zagreb, in the holdings of the Administrative Municipality of Stupnik. The analysis of these data served as a basis for examining the demographic and socio-economic structure of individual Roma families in inter-war Croatia, more specifically, in the Banovina of Croatia. The first piece of data from the 1939 census of Stupnik Roma that can be analysed is their demographic structure. The average age of the total of 30 registered Roma was 26.9 years, which indicates a middle age structure. Roma parents were on average 35.2 years old, while the average age of their children was 16.4 years, which merely confirms their middle age structure. These data correspond to the age structure of Roma in other areas of inter-war Croatia, where approximately 44% of all Roma registered in the Sava Banovina in 1931 were between 20 and 59 years old. The family structure shows that the nine registered Roma families had an average of 3.5 members, while three families had no children. Almost all families consisted of a married couple with or without children, while only one family included a mother-in-law (husband›s mother). This file also reveals whether the Roma were legally married or lived in a “concubinage”, i.e. in an extramarital union. Half of the Roma couples were legally married, while the other half were unmarried. The issue of marriage legality is followed by the issue of their attitudes to religion, especially when it comes to the baptism of children. All Roma interviewed stated that they had been baptised, as well as their children, which suggests that the registered Roma from Stupnik were religious insofar as they and their children had been baptised, but the documents themselves provide no insight into their personal attitude toward religion. A review of the data from the Roma census enables an analysis of their economic position and migration routes. All registered Roma people stated that they were engaged in agriculture on small plots of land. When it comes to migration, it is important to point out that those Roma lived a sedentary lifestyle. Comparison between the birthplace of the registered Roma and the place of their residence in Stupnik municipality shows that they had been migrating only within the wider Zagreb area. In addition, data were collected on their plans to emigrate from their (Stupnik) municipality, with all registered Roma stating that they intended to stay in that area, which further underlines the high level of their social integration. The final question of the interviews with the Roma was related to military service. These data reveal that a part of the Roma served in the army during World War I, while the second part was declared unfit for the army, although some of them also took part in military operations during the war. The analysis of the above data leads to certain conclusions. In 1939, nine Roma families with a total of 27 members lived in Stupnik municipality. They were permanent residents of the villages of Žitarka and Razborišće. Their average age of 26 corresponds to the average age of registered Roma in the Sava Banovina. Most Roma families consisted of a mother and father with children, while only one of them included a mother-in-law. Half of the Roma partners were legally married, while the other half were unmarried or living in concubinage. It is interesting to note that all registered Roma had been baptised, which can be explained by a certain level of adaptation to the local environment. The analysis of the above data reveals that the majority of Roma households were engaged in agriculture, while a minor part were workers. The Stupnik authorities were particularly interested in where the Roma had immigrated from and whether they intended to stay or relocate. All registered Roma were born and lived near Stupnik municipality, mostly in the areas of Sv. Klara, Sv. Nedjelja and Samobor. The question concerning military service also reveals the attitude of the Roma towards state authorities. These data are diverse, too. While some stated that they had actively fought in World War I, others had been declared unfit. Further research into the history of the Stupnik Roma shows that the municipal authorities registered Roma twice in two years (in May 1940 and in July 1941). That was in line with the local provisions of official authorities for resolving the issue of relations with the Roma. Those Roma were also victims of the Ustasha genocidal policy of Roma extermination. In early June 1942, they were forcibly evicted and deported to the Jasenovac concentration camp, where they were killed. This historicaldemographic and socio-economic analysis of the Roma community in a certain area aims to contribute to a better understanding of the history of the Roma in Croatia.

Spatial Visualisation of Ethnic Structure Changes in the Apuseni Mountains (Romania) 1880–2011

This study aims to present a comparative analysis of the ethnic structure of the population in the Apuseni Mountains (in Romania) during three censuses: in 1880, 1930, and 2011. It emphasises ethnicity continuities and discontinuities, as well as the historical moments that left their mark on that evolution. Statistical data were processed, resulting in the tables showing the ethnic structure of the Apuseni, with absolute as well as relative (percentage) values for each ethnic group. Data were also processed with the aid of ArcGIS 10.3, generating maps of the territorial distribution of the ethnic groups for each administrative-territorial unit. The results show that Romanians maintained their continuity in the mountain area, while other ethnicities changed significantly in terms of numbers and percentages of the total population. The Jewish community was persecuted during the Second World War, finding themselves on the brink of disappearance at the 2011 census. German communities suffered from the socialist policies of deportation to the Soviet Union and other states. Slovaks, deeply affected by industrial restructuring, began to emigrate after the fall of communism in 1989. The most dynamic ethnic group are the Roma, who, according to the censuses, continuously increased in number and percentage.

Bibliografija radova o migracijama objavljenih u znanstvenim časopisima dostupnim na portalu Hrčak (2009. – 2019.)

Fenomenom migracija bave se različite znanstvene discipline (sociologija, demografija, povijest, antropologija, socijalna geografija, ekonomija, politologija i dr.). Multidisciplinarnost upućuje na kompleksnost fenomena migracija, kojemu se sve više pristupa i interdisciplinarno s obzirom na njegov utjecaj na različite društvene, političke i ekonomske odnose. »Izbjeglička/migrantska kriza« 2015. godine i suvremeno iseljavanje iz Hrvatske ojačali su znanstveni interes za migracije te postmigracijske procese. Cilj ove bibliografije jest znanstvenoj i stručnoj javnosti dati pregled znanstvenih radova o različitim aspektima migracija dostupnih na portalu Hrčak. Bibliografija je podijeljena u tematske cjeline koje su određene pregledom radova, ali nisu hijerarhijski strukturirane (npr. integracija jest dio migracijske politike, ali zbog broja i fokusiranosti radova na samo taj aspekt migracijske politike izdvojena je kao posebna tema). Bibliografija je napravljena neposrednim uvidom u cjelovite članke (de visu) dostupne na Hrčku – Portalu hrvatskih znanstvenih i stručnih časopisa. Hrčak je središnji portal koji na jednome mjestu okuplja hrvatske znanstvene i stručne časopise te časopise za popularizaciju znanosti i kulture koji nude otvoreni pristup svojim radovima. Započeo je s radom 2006. i na njemu se trenutačno nalazi 499 časopisa, od kojih manji dio više nije aktivan. Na Hrčku je do sada ukupno objavljeno nešto više od 228.000 radova s cjelovitim tekstom. Bibliografijom je obuhvaćeno razdoblje od 2009. do 2019. te se navode radovi iz 109 časopisa. Bibliografija je selektivna i uključeni su samo znanstveni radovi kategorizirani kao izvorni znanstveni rad, prethodno priopćenje i pregledni rad. Nisu uključeni stručni radovi, izlaganja sa znanstvenog skupa, tribine, rasprave, osvrti, bibliografije, prikazi knjiga i dr. Radovi obuhvaćeni bibliografijom objavljeni su na različitim jezicima: hrvatskom, engleskom, francuskom, njemačkom, srpskom i dr.

Emigracioni potencijal mladih u Srbiji

Amidst negative demographic trends, emigration of the young, reproductive and employable population is one of the vital issues for the further development of the Republic of Serbia. Hence, there is a need for in-depth academic research and expert discussions that would allow for a better understanding of the issue, while pointing out its limitations and potentials. Since the country’s emigration potential is not sufficiently represented in previous research, this paper aims to shed light on the phenomenon of migration by discussing the attitudes, intentions and motives of senior-year high school students. It also aims to identify the factors for the potential emigration of young people. In line with the research subject and aims, the paper relies on the focus group method. The analysis was carried out using data from a focus-group survey conducted in three local governments – the City of Leskovac, the City of Užice and the City of Zaječar. Regional centres in the southern, western and eastern parts of Serbia were selected because they best represent the heterogeneity of its socio-economic development and migration patterns. Given that the group is the main unit of analysis within the chosen qualitative research method, the respondents had to share at least one important characteristic. In this case, they were senior-year high school students, born or residing in the mentioned cities. Focus groups were organised in Medical Schools and Grammar schools, while in the City of Zaječar and the City of Leskovac, the research was conducted in the Technical School, too. During the research, a total of 15 focus-group interviews were conducted, in which 149 students participated. All respondents were 18 or 19 years old at the time of the survey, while in terms of gender structure, there were slightly more females (77 compared to 72 males). The participants recognised the importance and relevance of youth migration, showed enthusiasm and, at the same time, took the discussion seriously. The results showed that most of the participants intend to stay in Serbia, while also indicating a relatively high level of readiness to emigrate after finishing school. The intention to stay is more pronounced among the students from the City of Leskovac, which is understandable considering that this is an area where traditional family values are important. On the other hand, the intentions to emigrate are most frequent among students from the City of Zaječar, a traditional emigration area. Although the desire to aid the development of the community stands out as a significant determinant of staying, attachment to the family emerges as the main factor influencing the decision not to emigrate. When observing the respondents’ opinions according to the type of school, significant differences were noticed. Students of medical schools in all cities have to a greater extent expressed their readiness to stay in the country, which is contrary to the generally present trend of emigration of medical workers to EU countries. The research showed that students from these schools are more optimistic than students from other schools because they believe that the prospects of finding a job for their educational profile in Serbia are currently somewhat more favourable. It is important to point out that students who intend to stay in Serbia in most cases plan to continue living in one of the large regional centers – Belgrade, Novi Sad or Niš. Their decision to participate in internal migration flows can be related to the fact that they plan to continue their education in the mentioned regional centres and to stay there after graduation. It was found that students from the City of Leskovac primarily intend to continue their education in Niš, students from the City of Užice opt for faculties in Belgrade, while students from the City of Zaječar gravitate almost equally towards Belgrade and Niš. By considering the motives that influence young people’s migration intentions, it was established that economic factors have a distinct role in deciding on potential emigration. The most frequent push factor is the unfavourable financial situation in the family. When it comes to the pull-factors, the majority of respondents stated that the standard of living, higher salaries and more adequate conditions for professional development and advancement abroad are decisive for potential emigration. As to the importance of education in the process of deciding on migration, it does not appear to be a significant factor for external migration, given that a small number of students plan to continue their education abroad immediately after high school. While discussing the most significant push-factors, the participants expressed dissatisfaction with the general living conditions in Serbia. The students’ discussion about the potential destination led to the conclusion that the majority see traditional destinations of the inhabitants of Serbia as potential countries of emigration: Austria, Germany, France, the USA or Canada. When it comes to the choice of a destination, the participants emphasised the crucial importance of migration networks, i.e., connections with relatives and friends abroad. Some respondents emphasise that having relatives and acquaintances in the chosen destination country can be of great importance during integration into a new environment. Although some students emphasise that migration can improve the lives of individuals and families, the majority view emigration as a process that negatively affects the overall development of Serbia. Interestingly, the respondents in all three local government units expressed a unanimous attitude that too many resources are being invested in the development of Belgrade, while insufficient investments are directed to the planning of the development of other local governments, primarily in rural areas. Based on the discussions and exchange of opinions of focus group participants, it was possible to create certain recommendations to decision-makers to mitigate the problem of the emigration of young people. The respondents suggested several concrete measures that the state should take to improve certain aspects of life in Serbia. Their recommendations are focused, above all, on improving the economic situation, including increased monthly incomes, creating new jobs (especially for highly educated people) and encouraging youth entrepreneurship. They recognised the need for part of the investments to be directed towards rural areas in order to mitigate the effects of depopulation and economic decline. In the context of improving the education system, the recommendations call for reforms that would align education profiles with the needs of the labour market. Students in all three local governments believe that strategies and plans for future development should be tailored to the specific needs of different regions. Although the importance of youth migration is recognised at the academic level in Serbia, this phenomenon requires a more complex analysis in development and strategic documents. In this regard, qualitative research needs to intensify at the local, regional and national levels, which would enable the adoption of adequate plans, strategies and measures of population policy towards the migration of young people. The results of this paper can contribute significantly to and serve as the basis for further research on the migration processes among young people in Serbia.

Perspektiva životnog puta u istraživanjima starenja i migracija

A life-course perspective is a complex approach to researching the life of an individual or group or certain processes used in various disciplines (Börsch-Supan et al., 2013), especially in sociology, demography, psychology, and economics. The life course perspective seeks to connect the historical context that determines an individual’s life with personal history (key events of his or her life) (Edmonston, 2013; Holman and Walker, 2020). The paper explains the differences among how the life-course perspective, lifecycle perspective and life-span perspective approach research topics. More specifically, this paper aims to evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of research on aging (quality of life of older people) and migration (quality of life of migrants) from the perspective of life course by reviewing some of the most important papers addressing it, both theoretically and/or practically. In the first of the five chapters of the paper, Introduction, the author explains why the perspective of life course is an interesting research approach to selected topics in Croatia. Together with the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Croatia has experienced a strong increase in the share of the elderly population and significant migration in the last thirty or so years. The major causes of accelerated demographic aging are an increase in life expectancy and a decrease in fertility. The main causes of migration are significant political, social and economic changes in the “old” and “new” EU countries. These are changes in the socio-political and economic systems of the former socialist countries on the one hand, and the expansion of the EU resulting in the opening of the labour market and the possibility of “new” labour migration within Europe on the other. Due to the wars in the Middle East, there is also the issue of dealing with large refugee waves. The life-course perspective is particularly applicable to research on population aging, the assessment of the quality of life and the degree of integration of immigrants in the destination country. The second chapter, Life Perspective and Aging, explains various theoretical approaches to older people (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). The institutional approach largely addresses the socio-economic status and roles of the elderly, for example, retirement (Blane et al., 2004; Wanka, 2019). The cultural perspective often deals with negative stereotypes related to aging and formulating different approaches to the elderly (Hagestad and Dannefer, 2001). In order to achieve a holistic approach to aging and old age, various perspectives should be integrated, and aging should be interpreted as a reflection of interrelated events during an individual’s life: historical, environmental and personal. Such a more complex approach involving changes and events throughout an individual’s life is a life cycle perspective (Godley and Hareven, 2001) considered within a particular historical context. Although it is widely accepted, some authors (Giele and Elder, 1998; Edmonston, 2013) explain the limitation of the term “life cycle” by advocating the phrase “life course”. In doing so, they explain life course as a complex relationship between socially shaped events and the roles an individual assumes during life. According to them, this differs from the concept of a life cycle in that the events and roles that make up an individual life experience do not necessarily continue at certain stages of life, as is suggested by the word “cycle”. In addition to the concept of a life cycle, researchers of aging and the quality of life of older people (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009) also theoretically compare the perspective of life course and the life span perspective without opposing them. Both advocate a view of aging as a long-lasting, multidimensional, continuous, and dynamic process. Life theories deal with the processes and pathways of development and aging as a lifelong process of an individual while life theories deal with differences in socially conditioned events, changes, roles and experiences in the lives of individuals (Fuller-Iglesias, Smith and Antonucci, 2009: 3–5) among certain parts of society (groups). An individual’s daily life is explained by processes and relationships that determine the broader context and how others experience it. Interpersonal relationships with other members of society play a significant role in an individual’s lifestyle and quality of life, regardless of his or her age or migration (in)experience. The life course perspective seeks to explain the impact of different processes on groups of people and individual experiences at each life stage but also the relationship between events from different stages of life. The third chapter, Life Perspective and Biographical Method, discusses the need to return to more significant use of qualitative and interpretative methods, as well as the interest in using a biographical perspective, due to a better understanding of aging and quality of life in old age as well as migration reasons and integration of immigrants in the country of immigration. By telling their life story, a person clarifies the personal understanding of changes in the immediate (personal circle) and the wider environment (society). They also describe how individual members of the group to which the individual feels affiliated, for example, the generation of older people in a particular environment (islands) (Podgorelec, 2008) or immigrants, experienced changes in society during life (older people) or a personal migrant experience and to what extent the changes experienced affect their lives (Amit and Litwin, 2010; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Biographical research is especially useful in monitoring the development of an individual’s career, the impact of migration (on a personal level, but also in terms of community development), the way people face new experiences and changes during aging or migration and how they adapt (especially to various losses: employment, health and functional status, life partners, friends etc.). The fourth chapter, Life and Migration Perspective, explains certain characteristics of migration and migrants, especially when moving to the country of immigration. Thus, Jasso (2003: 334) grouped them into characteristics that affect adaptation – age, gender, country of origin, level of education (Finney and Marshall, 2018; Podgorelec, Klempić Bogadi and Gregurović, 2020); degree of success – from assimilation, acculturation and adaptation to integration into the receiving society (Berry, 1990; Amit, 2012; Amit and Bar-Lev, 2014; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019) or failure – giving up and returning to the country of origin or moving to a third country; the success of migrants in childhood or the second generation of migrants (childhood and schooling in the country of immigration) (Pivovarova and Powers, 2019); demographic and economic effects on societies of origin and immigration – studies of loss and gain (relocation of qualified migrants, artists, entrepreneurs) (Gregurović, 2019), remittances (Nzima, Duma and Moyo, 2017), etc. Migrants choose to move at various ages and are motivated by various reasons (Kennan and Walker, 2013). Migration is a process that affects both social environments – that of the origin of the migrant as well as the immigration environment, even if the migrant migrates within a certain country (Čipin, Strmota and Međimurec, 2016; Finney and Marshall, 2018) and assuming that social and cultural differences between places of resettlement are not significant (Amit, 2012; Podgorelec, Gregurović and Klempić Bogadi, 2019). Edmonston (2013: 3) relies on the work of Elder (1994, 1998) in explaining the benefits of using a life-course perspective in (im)migration research. He connects four topics that Elder considers crucial in the analysis of life course: the interconnectedness of individual lives and historical time, planning and selection of important events in an individual›s life, the connection of an individual›s life with others (family, friends, work environment) and action (effect) of social institutions during life. The connection between the general approach to the life course analysis (Elder, 1994, 1998) and the previously mentioned groups of topics in migration research is noticeable already at the first glance (Jasso, 2003). Each of the topics can be supported by various examples in Croatian society. In the last chapter, instead of a conclusion, the author states that by reviewing a part of the literature on aging and migration, it is possible to deduce that, although fundamentally separate processes, observed from a life-course perspective, they share similar trajectories, transitions, turning points and timing (Edmonston, 2013). Thus, research into the quality of life of older people must be grounded in the theoretical construction of aging and the historical context, relying on collected data on the individual’s important life events (life story) and judgments of experiences by both respondents and researchers. A life-course perspective that measures the impact of social, political and economic conditions on the life of an individual and/or a group is an interesting and complex approach to researching selected dimensions of migrants quality of life, given that migration always takes place in a particular historical context by influencing the social environment – countries of origin and countries of immigration. Public policies that support the organisation of care for the elderly, facilitate adaptation and promote the integration of migrants harmonise all sections of society and affect the life satisfaction of the general population.

Anna Amelina, Helma Lutz: Gender and Migration: Transnational and Intersectional Prospects

Book review Gender and Migration: Transnational and Intersectional Prospects