Gossip Girl: The Politics of Women’s Talk on Daytime Television

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Jilly Boyce Kay
2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Daigle ◽  
David C. Hayes ◽  
Philip W. Morris

ABSTRACT In this case, students develop their understanding of how occupational fraud is committed and detected. They also learn about the traits of victim organizations and characteristics of fraud perpetrators. The students develop their understanding of occupational fraud by applying concepts in the most recent edition of the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners (ACFE) Report to the Nations on Occupational Fraud and Abuse (ACFE 2012, hereafter referred to as the Report) to two daytime television talk show episodes in which the hosts (Montel Williams and Dr. Phil) interview individuals convicted of occupational fraud. The results of data collected reflect that students completing the case significantly increased their knowledge about how occupational fraud is committed and detected. Students also significantly increased their knowledge of traits of victim organizations and characteristics of fraud perpetrators. Students reported it was a valuable educational experience to apply knowledge gained to two real situations as documented on daytime television talk show episodes. They also enjoyed the case and thought they would benefit from more cases like this one.


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Lopate
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 108-119
Author(s):  
Heather Warren-Crow
Keyword(s):  

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 230-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gee ◽  
Michael P. Sam ◽  
Steve J. Jackson

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature, frequency, and duration of alcohol-related promotions and crowd alcohol consumption during major sports events broadcasted on the SKY Sport network between September 2011 and February 2012. Design/methodology/approach Content analyses for various categories of alcohol-related images were conducted, including a novel inclusion of analysing crowd alcohol consumption. Findings The results provide empirical evidence that sponsorship and activation-related activities of alcohol brands subvert national regulations that ban alcohol advertising during daytime television programming. Originality/value The results serve to sensitise researchers, practitioners, policy makers, and regulators to the prevalence of incidental alcohol promotional material within the overall televised alcohol advertising mix and the broader societal exposure to such images. This research also informs readers that alcohol companies and media outlets produce alcohol-related marketing that may not be in-line with the meaning and/or intent of laws.


1985 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurel Fruth ◽  
Allan Padderud

Max Ramsay is the cardboard cutout Ozzie clod who warns his son, Shane, against dating Daphne because she works as a stag-night stripper. His main fear seems to be the effect the newly arrived Daphne might have on the price of his property. (Smurthwaite 1986) As Grahame Griffin notes, “the closing credit sequence . . . is a series of static shots of suburban houses singled out for display in a manner reminiscent of real estate advertisements” (Griffin 1991: 175). Small business abounds in Neighbours: a bar, a boutique, an engineering company, with no corporate sector and no public servants or bureaucrats apart from a headmistress. 10 Writing skills must be acknowledged. It is very hard to make the mundane interesting, and indeed to score multiple short plot lines across a small number of characters (twelve to fifteen), as is appropriate to representing the local, the everyday, the suburban. As Moira Petty remarks, Neighbours is successful because “it’s very simple. The characters are two dimensional and the plots come thick and fast. The storylines don’t last long, so if you don’t like one, another will come along in a few days” (quoted by Harris 1988). These ten textual reasons doubtless contribute, differentially across different export markets, to Neighbours’s success in many countries of the world. Its wholesome neighborliness, its cosy everyday ethos would appear to be eminently exportable. However, lest it be imagined that Neighbours has universal popularity or even comprehensibility, there remain some 150 countries to which it has not been exported, and many in which its notions of kinship systems, gender relations, and cultural spaces would appear most odd. The non-universality of western kinship relations, for example, is clearly evidenced in Elihu Katz and Tamar Liebes’s comparison of Israeli and Arab readings of Dallas (Katz and Leibes 1986). And, indeed, there are two familiar territories to be considered later – the USA and France – in which it has been screened and failed. Significantly, the countries screening Neighbours are mostly anglophone and well familiar with British, if not also with Australian soaps. But why does Neighbours appeal so forcibly in the UK? In the UK market, I suggest, five institutional and cultural preconditions enabled Neighbours’s phenomenal success. Some of these considerations are, of course, the sine qua non of Neighbours even being seen on UK television. The first precondition was its price, reportedly A$54,000 per show for two screenings; with EastEnders costing A$80,000 per episode, Neighbours was well worth a gamble (Kingsley 1989: 241). Scheduling, too, was vital to Neighbours’s success. This has two dimensions. Neighbours was the first program on UK television ever to be stripped over five weekdays (Patterson 1992). BBC Daytime Television, taking off under Roger Loughton in 1986, while Michael Grade was Programme Controller, was so bold in this as to incur the chagrin of commercial

2002 ◽  
pp. 112-112

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