Innerwissenschaftliche Kritik und Kontroverse um den ‚Political Culture Approach‘ in der amerikanischen Political Science

1985 ◽  
pp. 144-150
Author(s):  
Wolf Michael Iwand
Author(s):  
Nonna Mayer ◽  
Vincent Tiberj

The boom in survey research, the increasing internationalization of political science, and the development of large-scale comparative projects have renewed the study of political culture and invalidated the notion of a French “exceptionalism.” But French scholars, influenced by Marxism, social history, and Bourdieu’s legacy of “critical sociology,” still have a different understanding of political culture, and prefer to use other concepts such as ideology. After a rapid overview of the founding studies and debates, this chapter shows how French research on political culture or cultures in the plural developed in its own way, and outlines the major challenges it is facing today on issues such as race and ethnicity, gender, globalization, and poverty.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Kranert

Abstract The term populism is omnipresent in current political science and political discourse. This paper discusses how so-called “populist” discourse is linguistically construed in the 2017 election manifestos of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the British United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). It does so by operationalising populism concepts from political science, specifically the difference between exclusive and inclusive populism. In order to investigate how “populist” discourses depend on the respective political culture of a discourse community, these categories are employed in a corpus based comparative politico-linguistic analysis. Based on a corpus of German and British election manifestos from 2017, the paper demonstrates that both UKIP and the AfD combine elements of in inclusive populism based on demands of a democratic renewal, and an exclusive populism based on the idea the people as a homogeneous ethnos. The discursive realisation, however, differs because of general historic and political differences such as Britain being a state of four nations and the AfD aiming to avoid a rhetoric known from Germany’s past. Particularly pronounced are differences in the delineation to the enemy “European Union” as both parties link their euro-sceptical discourse to different central signifiers of the German and British political culture.


1968 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 551
Author(s):  
Dell G. Hitchner

1968 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. G. Hitchner

2017 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-85
Author(s):  
Graziano Marrone

In the last decade Italian political scene has been marked by the presence of a new actor: the Five Stars Movement (M5S). Many observers paid particular attention upon the populist rhetoric of its leader, Beppe Grillo, interpreting this new political actor as a leader party model. However, the emphasis upon these aspects may prevent the analysis of some crucial social and political dynamics that can be instead better understood by employing some classic theories and concepts of political science. The roots of M5S are embedded in the territories with a strong communist tradition (red zone), in the period of nationalization of the Democratic Party: this process shows the strength of local political culture. Currently left-wing parties seem no longer able to represent such civic culture and the local political culture requires new referents. In this article we argue that M5S has been seen, up to the 2014 elections, as a way to bring politics back in the territory. The 2016 municipal elections seem instead to show that Movement's local vocation has been an illusion.


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