political dynamics
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2021 ◽  
Vol VI (IV) ◽  
pp. 68-83
Author(s):  
Mariam Waheed Mekheimar

Nascent research is conducted on the advancement of discourse analysis in film to include different modes as images, sound and text. This study is focused on how images are embedded within texts in an audio-visual medium such as cinema to highlight political messages; it also seeks to broaden our understanding of politics beyond a relatively narrow conceptualization of the "political" through studying non-traditional discourses such as cinematic discourse. The aim of the study is to develop a systematic approach to film analysis to examine political nuance sin film. The method adopted in this research is Multi modal Discourse Analysis (MDA) focusing on embedding visuals, audio, and text in the film to examine how a political meaning can be conveyed through the interaction between those different modes. Drawing on the multi modal discourse analysis literature, different modalities will be studied to understand how those modes interact in the cinematic discourse. The film, "Cream of the Crop", is selected as an example to examine how political meanings in film can tackle the cinematic representation of the notion of social justice. This study contributes to the vast array of literature on the multi modal discourse analysis of films by focusing on political dynamics within them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
Vladimir Stefanov Chukov

This study aims to present the emergence of the Islamic Messiah Al Mahdi and his “ideal” state. Many modern preachers, clerics and thinkers are trying to find the signs of the appearance of the expected messiah given by Sharia tests and their interpretations by Islamic legal authorities. Thus, they create their own geopolitical versions, explaining modern political dynamics, based on their aspirations to build the ideal state formed under the light of the crescent. The dispositions of the Sharia norms are explained in a way that forms a logical-looking version of the emergence of a universal just state, led by the expected savior – Imam Mahdi. Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Mahdi (Arabic: مُحَمَّد ابْن ٱلْحَسَن ٱلْمَهْدِي, Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Mahdi) is believed by Twelver Shia to be the Mahdi, who has two other eschatologists with Jesus (Jesus) to fulfill their mission to bring peace and justice to the world. The Shivers of Twelver believe that al-Mahdi was born on the 15th of Sha'ban in 870 AD / 256 AH and adopted the Imam at the age of almost four after the assassination of his father, Hassan al-Askari. In the early years of his Imam, he is believed to have had contact with his followers only through the Four Deputies. This period was known as the Small Occult (ٱلْغَيْبَة ٱلصُّغْرَىٰ) and lasted from 873 to 941. A few days before the death of his fourth deputy Abu al-Hasan Ali ibn Mohammed al-Samari in 941, he is believed to have sent a letter. to his followers. In this letter from Al-Samari, he announced the beginning of the main occult (ٱلْغَيْبَة ٱلْكُبْرَىٰ), during which the Mahdi was not to have direct contact with his followers, but had instructed them to follow the pious high clergy he had mentioned. some distinctive merits.


Author(s):  
Jon D. Wisman

Whereas President Barack Obama identified inequality as “the defining challenge of our time,” this book claims more: it is the defining issue of all human history. The struggle over inequality has been the underlying force driving human history’s unfolding. Drawing on the dynamics of inequality, this book reinterprets history and society. Beyond according inequality the central role in human history, this book is novel in two other respects. First, transcending the general failure of social scientists and historians to anchor their work in explicit theories of human behavior, this book grounds the origins and dynamics of inequality in evolutionary psychology, or, more specifically, Darwin’s theory of sexual selection. Second, this book is novel in according central importance to the critical historical role of ideology in legitimating inequality, a role typically ignored or given little attention by social scientists and historians. Because of the central role of inequality in history, inequality’s explosion over the past 45 years has not been an anomaly. It is a return to the political dynamics by which elites have, since the rise of the state, taken practically everything for themselves, leaving all others with little more than the means with which to survive. Due to elites’ persuasive ideology, even after workers in advanced capitalist countries gained the franchise to become the overwhelming majority of voters, inequality continued to increase. The anomaly is that the only intentional politically driven decline in inequality occurred between the 1930s and 1970s following the Great Depression’s partial delegitimation (this should remain delegitimation globally) of elites’ ideology.


2021 ◽  
pp. 63-82
Author(s):  
Lillian Craig Harris
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Supriyanto Supriyanto ◽  
Doromae Hayeehasa

The discourse on political dynamics in Islamic (Arabic) countries leaves a debate that will never end. One of the Muslim thinkers who contributed to the concept of Islamic politics was Zaki Naguib Mahmoud. Although he was not as popular as other thinkers, in the context of Islamic politics, the presence of Zaki's thoughts made Islamic political discourse more dynamic. Zaki offered some criticisms and conceptual proposals for political discourse, namely a political concept that is not only oriented to the struggle for power, but a political concept that liberates, prospers, and always tries to build a better order of life. Zaky was here to oppose the tyranny of power and the hegemony of the majority over the minority. For the Arabs, the realization of such a political vision is not impossible, considering that they have a noble heritage in the form of a spirit of nationalism rooted in the era of their predecessors. It is this spirit that should be able to establish political order and liberate the Arab country from backwardness, decline, and moral degradation.


2021 ◽  
Vol XXII (2021) ◽  
pp. 132-143
Author(s):  
Anastasia Romanova

This paper researches the role that hodonyms (street names) play in forming cultural and collective identity and awareness. Street names are thereby treated as the elements that get transformed from everyday communication and interaction to symbols constructed by political elites to direct the collective history perception and memory. The paper explores the principles of forming a new onomastic space of the capital city of the Republic of Moldova, Chisinau. Current work identifies some peculiarities of street renaming, grouping them into several categories. The main principles of renaming policies are also revealed. The analyses of renaming practices help understand the national identities that Moldovans are going to build, and the ideology that local and national authorities will impose.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Comi ◽  
Eero Vaara

Previous research on knowledge work has started to explore how organizational actors deal with pragmatic boundaries that arise from their different interests, priorities, and viewpoints. Material objects, such as visual artifacts, can be used to shape and manipulate pragmatic boundaries, but our understanding of these dynamics is only partial. In this paper, we maintain that focusing on the uses of visual artifacts offers an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the political aspects of knowledge work. To this end, we conducted a practice-based study of an architectural project in which the building design became contested. Our empirical analysis reveals four practices in which visual artifacts are used to deal with pragmatic boundaries: surfacing, bridging, preventing, and minimizing. Through these practices, organizational actors can make boundaries more or less visible with important implications on their power relations and the project at hand. The main contribution of our study is to advance understanding of the political dynamics in knowledge work by revealing how visual artifacts can be used to manipulate pragmatic boundaries. By so doing, our analysis also helps to move the conversation on visual artifacts beyond their role as epistemic objects that sustain (or hinder) knowledge work.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 675-696
Author(s):  
Mark Brown ◽  
Vikas Keshav Jadhav ◽  
Vijay Raghavan ◽  
Mayank Sinha

Southern penal spaces are marked by resemblances and affinities with colonial regimes of control, yet they also reflect quite distinctive postcolonial social and political dynamics found in the global south. Here, legacies of control, forms of exile, status reductions, hierarchical social stratifications and other like forms come together in robust modes of containment suitable for managing ‘marginal’ and ‘suspect’ populations. We draw on ethnographic empirical work with two hunting nomadic groups in India by two of the co-authors who are working with the Kheria Sabar community in Purulia district in West Bengal and Pardhi community in Mumbai. The latter were subject to notification under the notorious Criminal Tribes Act 1871, marking them out as ‘criminal tribes’ until their de-notification shortly after India's independence in 1947, yet the Kheria Sabars too feel its effects. We draw attention here to the continual negotiation and (re)fabrication of both state and citizen at the point of their everyday contact. Our notion of southern penal spaces contributes to penal theory by breaking from northern societies’ focus on institutional carcerality and capturing instead both the variety and the dispersal of penal and punitive practices found in postcolonial societies of the south.


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